/qnotables22/ - ===Q Notables 2022===

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16566465 (301733ZJUN22) Notable: Icarus has fallen – politics and tragedy of Brian Molefe (Parts 1-8)

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>>120981

>>120982

>>120983

>>120984

>>120985

>>120986

>>120987

“Icarus has fallen – politics and the tragedy of Brian Molefe” – State Capture, Eskom, Optimum Coal Mine, Glencore, KPMG, Guptas, murder of Dulcie September, Marc Rich, Ivan Glasenberg, Mick Davis, Xstrata, Vitol, etc. - (8 of 8)

https://what-is-a-blogg.blogspot.com/2016/11/icarus-has-fallen-politics-and-tragedy_4.html

4 November 2016

It is in this second phase that we can actually ask a simple question of how we ever allowed Glasenberg to hijack our coal supply and give us the idea of load shedding – and we said nothing about it. This next phase should allow us to interrogate how we could be aware of Marc Rich stealing $22 billion through tainted oil deals with the National Party – and we then allowed his company to take over the country’s coal supply chain. This next phase should really consider how the banks and KPMG saw nothing wrong with all these shenanigans – until the colour of the capturer became darker. This report should allow Brian Molefe to finally tell his version of the story. How he found himself swept into the tornado of a story that was so much bigger than himself. How he found himself having to answer to the Saxonwold mafia only because the Swiss mafia were the bigger bullies. Brian has a fatal flaw – the initiation of the pre-payment to Tegeta. Beyond that, his is a tragic tale of the man who set out to fix a national crisis – and found himself captured by a crisis of conscience, the politics of patronage and the tragic hysteria of his own ambition. Marc Rich got lucky – Bill Clinton’s last act in office was to issue a presidential pardon to the scoundrel. It appears that Presidents have an awkward habit of getting involved with such characters – everywhere you go.

According to Fin24, the cost of load shedding in South Africa – at its peak – was R80 billion per month. Apparently, the cost of Shaun Abrahams losing his mind 3 weeks ago was R50 billion to the economy. Molefe staked his reputation on saving South Africa R80 billion per month – and lost so much more. It is indeed a melancholy truth - that even great men have poor relations.

Perhaps ours is a country so damaged we have resorted to finding the bottom of the barrel when it comes to finding leaders – and we need to fix this. Brian will pay the price – as he should. Whether we have the moral authority to determine such a price is a mystery to me. I simply do not know.

The Gupta saga is not just that they are corrupt and arrogant – it is a tragedy of how they sought out to topple the king of state capture – and did such a shockingly bad job of it all. Somebody please get them the Johann Rupert manual next time.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16567352 (301947ZJUN22) Notable: Investec, Hendrik du Toit, Naspers, and Koos Bekker (videos)

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>>120987

>Mick Davis himself is friends with that other icon of leadership – Stephen Koseff of Investec. On 13 May 2015, Mick Davis and Stephen Koseff shared a stage at Investec in Sandton and addressed a forum of young entrepreneurs.

“Stephen Koseff - Breaking Down the Mistrust Between Government & Business” - https://youtu.be/lUGNHrH9y64

“Investec latest to bank on asset management flotation”

https://news.sky.com/story/investec-latest-to-bank-on-asset-management-flotation-11497426

14 September 2018

Sky's Ian King charts the trend of banks demerging their fund management arms and asks why Investec is the latest.

It's a name known to millions for its past sponsorship of Test cricket, its current sponsorship of The Derby and its famous zebra mascot.

Today, though, the South African bank Investec is attracting attention due to an unexpected decision to spin off its fund management arm.

Investec, a member of the FTSE 100 until December 2011, plans to float Investec Asset Management (IAM) as a separate company on the London stock exchange.

The news has been welcomed by investors and shares of the bank have shot up by almost 10%.

IAM, which currently contributes just under a quarter of group profits, will be a substantial business in its own right. It has £109bn under management and growth has been particularly strong in recent years.

The move represents the continuation of a trend. French bank Societe Generale and Germany's Deutsche Bank have both demerged their fund management arms in recent years while the Prudential is in the process of demerging M&G.

Investec is one of a wave of South African companies to have floated in London since the end of apartheid and the country's international isolation.

Many of them, once given access to the bigger pools of capital available in the London stock market, have showcased the entrepreneurial flair of and managerial talent of a number of South African business leaders.

The most spectacular examples are Meyer Kahn and the late Graham Mackay who, having floated South African Breweries in London in 1999, built a company little known outside its homeland into the world's second-largest brewer.

Others include Sir Mick Davis, nicknamed "Mick the Miner", who built Xstrata into one of the world's biggest mining firms until its £39.1bn takeover by Glencore in 2012.

Investec has shown similar entrepreneurial zeal. Formed in 1974 as a small leasing company, it floated in Johannesburg in 1986, making its first move outside South Africa in 1992 with the acquisition of London-based Allied Trust bank in 1992.

More UK acquisitions followed over the years, including the money broker Clive in 1995 and the stockbroker and investment adviser Carr Sheppards the following year.

The deal that really put the bank on the map in the City, though, came in 1998 with a series of deals that saw it acquire some of the most storied names in the Square Mile, including the fund manager Guinness Flight Hambro, the stockbroker Henderson Crosthwaite and the wealth management and private banking business Guinness Mahon.

The company moved its primary stock market listing from Johannesburg to London in July 2002 in the midst of a slump that had deterred a number of other businesses from floating.

Anyone who braved the conditions and bought the shares at the time of their London listing will have done well if they have held on to them.

Investec was valued at £767m at the flotation. Its market capitalisation today stands at £4.93bn.

Friday's news, which ironically comes weeks after Old Mutual - another South African financial services group and former FTSE-100 member - completed its break-up will mark the end of an era in more ways than one.

Stephen Koseff, the current chief executive and Bernard Kantor, currently the managing director, will be stepping down after 38 years with the bank, although both will remain as directors.

According to the bank, the logic behind the demerger is that IAM will do better standing on its own two feet, since it will have the freedom to expand at its own pace and without having to take into consideration the capital needs of the wider group.

Or, as Hendrik du Toit [another South African], who will be chief executive of IAM once it is listed, put it this morning: "If you want to play in the super league in asset management, independence wins."

That is assuming, of course, that the business makes it to market.

There is already speculation in the Square Mile that Investec's announcement will prompt rivals into seeking to buy IAM prior to an IPO.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16567460 (302004ZJUN22) Notable: Investec, Hendrik du Toit, Naspers, and Koos Bekker (videos)

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>>120989

>Or, as Hendrik du Toit [another South African], who will be chief executive of IAM once it is listed, put it this morning: "If you want to play in the super league in asset management, independence wins."

“Hendrik du Toit (Investec Asset Management): The African narrative is changing from aid to business” - https://youtu.be/iTZ24vCev5g

Hendrik du Toit

https://ninetyone.com/en/international/people/hendrik-du-toit

Hendrik is the founder and Chief Executive Officer of Ninety One. He entered the asset management industry in 1988 and joined Investec Group in 1991, founding Investec Asset Management, which rebranded to Ninety One in 2020. He also served as Joint Chief Executive Officer of Investec Group from 1 October 2018 until the demerger and listing of Ninety One from Investec Group on 16 March 2020.

Hendrik is a Non-Executive Director of Naspers Limited and its European subsidiary, Prosus.

•	Member of Sustainability, Social and Ethics Committee

•	Chair of Disclosure Committee

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16567690 (302038ZJUN22) Notable: Investec, Hendrik du Toit, Naspers, and Koos Bekker (videos)

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>>120991

>1997 – Koos Bekker [South African] appointed CEO [of Naspers].

“What Do You Know About Koos Bekker, Founder of MTN, DSTV and MNET?”

Koos Bekker was born in South Africa on 14 December 1952. Bekker got his early education from Hoër Volkskool Heidelberg and degrees from Stellenbosch University in Law and Literature and Wits University in Law. During his studies in Stellenbosch he stayed in Eendrag Manskoshuis.

After a few years in advertising he read an MBA degree at Columbia Business School, graduating in 1984. As a result of a project paper, he, and a few young colleagues founded one of the first two pay television services outside the US. M-Net and its sister companies like Multichoice eventually expanded to 48 countries across Africa. In the 1990s, he was a founding director of mobile communication company MTN. In 1997 Bekker became CEO of Naspers, one of the initial investors in the M-Net/Multichoice group. Naspers bought out the other shareholders. During his tenure, the market capitalization of Naspers grew from about $1,2 billion to $45 billion. His compensation package was unusual in that for fifteen years as CEO he earned no salary, bonus or perks. He was compensated solely via stock option grants that vested over time.

Koos Bekker is revered as an astute executive who transformed South African newspaper publisher Naspers into a digital media powerhouse, primarily due to his 2001 bet on Chinese Internet and media firm Tencent. In 2001 Naspers Ltd. put $32 million into the then-obscure Web company called Tencent. Its stake today is worth $66 billion — roughly equal to Naspers’ entire stock market capitalization. Bekker, who retired as the CEO of Naspers in March 2014, returned as chairman in April 2015. Over the summer of 2015 he sold more than 70% of his Naspers shares. His Babylonstoren estate, which features architecture dating back to 1690, stretches across nearly 600 acres in South Africa’s Western Cape region and includes a farm, orchard, vineyard, a 14-room hotel and a restaurant.

Bekker has always played a significant role at Naspers (formerly Nasionale Pers – National Press) leading the founding team of M-Net in 1985.

By extension, under his leadership, he pioneered the development of M-Net, Supersport, MultiChoice’s satellite television as well as M-Web – and subsequently directed Naspers from a small media company, to a multinational media giant with diverse media interests in many markets.

Naspers has interests in Internet, pay-TV, magazines, newspapers, books and private education, as well as investments in China, India, Russia and other countries across the globe.

Bekker headed massive investments into emerging market Internet companies which, in recent fiscal years, have been paying off for the media company, with massive profits and returns to investors.

These investments include stakes in China’s Internet and instant messaging leader Tencent Holdings; Russian Internet giant Mail.ru; and Brazilian magazine publisher Abril.

Bekker has not only been involved in the South African media landscape, but has also been a part of other growing and significant sectors of the country.

He was a founding director of Africa’s largest mobile network operator, MTN, which was established in 1994, and continues to serve as director for Media24 and MultiChoice.

Bekker was also a director for the 2010 FIFA World Cup Local Organising Committee.

The Forbes 2019 list of The World’s Billionaires ranked Bekker as the 1002nd-wealthiest person in the world, and the fourth-wealthiest South African, with a fortune of US$2.3 billion. In 2020, Bekker was ranked as the third-wealthiest South African by Forbes, with a fortune reported as US$2.4billion.

He is married to the editor of South Africa’s Elle Decoration magazine, Karen Roos, with whom he renovated Babylonstoren – a sweeping 560 acre wine estate in the Drakenstein Valley.

First Published on 15th April, 2017 Updated on 4th April, 2021

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16567701 (302040ZJUN22) Notable: Investec, Hendrik du Toit, Naspers, and Koos Bekker (videos)

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>>120992

Here is the link

https://wundef.com/koos-bekker/

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16569263 (010059ZJUL22) Notable: Idi Amin Bun | Updated ANC Bun

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Idi Amin Bun

>>120972 “Thabo Mbeki | Idi Amin Was A Wise Man” – Posted June 25, 2022 (video)

>>120973, >>120974, >>120975 Why Idi Amin Dada, ‘The Butcher Of Uganda,’ Should Be Remembered With History’s Worst Despots (Parts 1-3)

>>120976, >>120977 Idi Amin’s Israeli Connection

Updated ANC Bun

>>120733 Anglo’s involvement with the ANC prior to the 1994 election

>>120739 Jewish people played a critical role in ending apartheid in South Africa

>>120742 Onslaught against the Peoples of SA - Part 1 (video)

>>120750 Mendel Kaplan and Operation Exodus

>>120827, >>120828 Here is how much ANC received from Russian billionaire Viktor Vekselberg Part 1 & 2

>>120861, >>120862, >>120863, >>120864 The ANC’s Oilgate” – Glencore, Iraq ties

>>120939, >>120962 The construction mafia in South Africa (video)

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16569269 (010100ZJUL22) Notable: Gencore/Billiton Bun | Gill Marcus Bun

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Gencore/Billiton Bun

>>120910 Gold Fields History – Cecil Rhodes, Gencor, Russia, Anglo American, De Beers, etc.

>>120911 History of Gencor – Anglo American, Harry Oppenheimer, Lonrho

>>120968 Gencor, the now dormant investment holding group, is a pale shadow of its former self

>>120969 SOUTH AFRICA: Billiton: a corporation founded on apartheid plunder

>>120970 Eskom deal with BHP Billiton akin to power theft

Gill Marcus Bun

>>120748 Gill Marcus short biography

>>120749 Gill Marcus – Links to Mining Companies, including Glencore

>>120906 Gill Marcus appointment may be Glencore readying SA opportunity

>>120907 Gill Marcus to Head Western Areas Board

>>120908 WAL's Gill Marcus joins Gold Fields board as nonexec director

>>120909 PIC Commission's Gill Marcus was a Steinhoff "beneficiary"

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16569271 (010100ZJUL22) Notable: Glencore & Xstrata Bun Part One

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Glencore & Xstrata Bun Part One

>>120785 Glencore redirected over $75 million in mining payments to scandal-hit friend of Congolese President, Global Witness reveals

>>120786 “Cyril Ramaphosa’s history a red flag – expert” - Glencore

>>120787 Scandal-hit mining companies BHP and Glencore pay record $12bn to investors

>>120788 Glencore’s Corruption guilty verdict vindicates Critics of the New Dawn’s blind trust in dodgy Mining Houses – Zambia

>>120789 China’s GEM Co. Ltd and Glencore extend their long-term strategic cobalt partnership

>>120790 China Huaneng Group and Glencore sign MOU on CCUS Project – Australian Funding

>>120791 Glencore to honour pre-existing Russia contracts, no new deals

>>120792 Calls mount for SA probe into Glencore – Ties to the ANC

>>120793 Glencore’s History – Marc Rich, Rudolph Giuliani and Bill Clinton

>>120794, >>120795, >>120796 Marc Rich’s ties to Apartheid (Parts 1 & 2)

>>120798 Rich was spy for Israel – fugitive fat cat also offered aid to CIA & others

>>120799 Marc Rich, “A Citizen of the World”

>>120800 “The toxic chocolatier – The case for prosecuting Glencore executives” – namely Ivan Glasenberg

>>120801, >>120816, >>120817, >>120818, >>120902, >>120903 Ivan Glasenberg

>>120802, >>>/qresearch/1615402, >>120803 Revealed: Glencore bankrolled covert campaign to prop up coal (Parts 1-3)

>>120804 Glencore: the monster has landed!

>>120805 Glencore prepares to join FTSE amid scrutiny of Namibia court battle

>>120806 Glencore 'linked to Colombian terrorist group'

>>120807 Glencore – “Funding violence against anti-mining activists”, “Poisoning vital water supplies”, “Bribery and corruption”

>>120808 Glencore traded with Iranian supplier to nuclear programme

>>120809 “Glencore Paid Judges To Make Cases Disappear” Tony Yengeni Spills Beans” – South Africa

>>120810 How Marc [Rich] helped plunder Russia

>>120811, >>120812 “The Slimy Trail of Marc Rich: How One of the Clintons’ Best Friends Gave the Gift That Keeps on Giving” (Parts 1 & 2)

>>120813 Glencore is more of a crime syndicate than a business

>>120819 Glencore CEO & List of Directors 2021

>>120832 Rusal, Sual To Create Russian Aluminum Giant – Merge with Glencore

>>120834 Mick Davis launches $300 million battery metals SPAC

>>120835 Former Glencore trader pleads guilty in New York over Nigerian oil bribery scheme

>>120836 Glencore Reaches $9.85 Million Zinc Rigging Settlement in New York

>>120837 Glencore, Edelweiss offices raided over probe into pulses price fixing”

>>120838, >>120839, >>120840, >>120841 Marc Rich and the Shipping Research Bureau

>>120850, >>120851, >>120852, >>120853, >>120854, >>120855, >>120856 Paradise Papers: Glencore hid link to ghost shipping fleet during Iran scandal (Parts 1-7)

>>120857 Lawsuit Against Anti-Iran Group Dismis7ed Over US State Secrets

>>120858, >>120859 Eric Holder’s Connection to Marc Rich (Parts 1 & 2)

>>120861, >>120862, >>120863, >>120864 The ANC’s Oilgate” – Glencore, Iraq ties (Parts 1-4)

>>120866, >>120867, >>120868 Bill Clinton’s pardon of fugitive Marc Rich continues to pay big (Parts 1-3)

>>120890 The Great Deceptions of Robert Mueller: The Art of the Limited Hangout – Marc Rich, Glencore, Clintons, etc

>>120891 Goldman Vends Metal Warehouse Unit to Reuben Brothers - Analyst Blog – “hoarding of aluminum and artificial rise in the metal price” [Glencore]

>>120905 You’ll Never Guess Who Ran the Investigation Into Whether ‘Slick Willie’ (Bill Clinton) Got Paid for Pardoning Marc Rich” - Mueller, Comey and Holder

>>120910 Gold Fields History – Cecil Rhodes, Gencor, Russia, Anglo American, De Beers, etc.

>>120911 History of Gencor – Anglo American, Harry Oppenheimer, Lonrho

>>120912 Gold Fields, Yamana deal will create No. 4 world mining giant

>>120913 Business Profile: The story of a miner [Mick Davis] who struck gold – KPMG, Gencor, Billiton

>>120914 Glencore/ Congo/ Child labor/ Pollution/ 2012 (video)

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16569275 (010101ZJUL22) Notable: Glencore & Xstrata Bun Part Two

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Glencore & Xstrata Bun Part Two

>>120915 Counting the Cost – Glencore [0:00-9:08]: Taking over the world? [2011] (video)

>>120916 Why Poverty - Stealing Africa” [Covers Glencore, Ivan Glasenberg, Marc Rich, etc.] (video)

>>120917 Glencore is a World Economic Forum Partner

>>120918 Canada Fines Glencore-Controlled Miner Over Business With Dan Gertler In Congo, WSJ

>>120919 Israeli Mining Tycoon Dan Gertler On The U.S. Blacklist Will Benefit From Tesla’s Cobalt Deal” - Glencore

>>120920 Re|Source cements partnership with Tesla

>>120921, >>120922 Glencore: Profiteering from hunger and chaos” – 9 May 2011 (Parts 1 & 2)

>>120923 Glencore riding energy crunch to record profits” – 20 June 2022

>>120960 Glencore and Xstrata's chief executives' links go back to university days” – Ivan Glasenberg, Mick Davis, HSBC, Nat Rothschild, Rusal, Vallares, Tony Hayward

>>120961 Glencore sells Mopani back to the Zambian government then hired Rothschild & Co, South Africa again to review mine – Coincidence?

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16569280 (010101ZJUL22) Notable: Gunvor Bun | Sacoil/Efora Bun

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Gunvor Bun

>>120931 Gunvor Requests Jones Act Waiver to Deliver Gasoline to U.S. East Coast

>>120932 Gunvor info on Wikipedia

>>120933 Gunvor successfully closes USD 1.225 Billion revolving credit facility

>>120934, >>120935, >>120936 Gunvor pins future on Swedish CEO after Russian co-founder exits (Part 1-3)

>>120937 Govt. illegally sells Malawi National Oil Company

Sacoil/Efora Bun'

>>120894 SacOil – History and changed its name to Efora Energy Ltd

>>120895, >>120896 Cooperation Agreement concluded with new partners and the China Petroleum Pipeline Bureau for the construction of the African Renaissance Gas Pipeline in Mozambique

>>120897, >>120898 Nigeria – Crude Trading Allocation

>>120901 SacOil acquires Phembani Oil

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16569283 (010102ZJUL22) Notable: Tony Hollingsworth Bun | Trafigura Bun

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Tony Hollingsworth Bun

>>120940 Tony Hollingsworth Letter regarding “Nelson Mandela 70th birthday tribute” (1988) - signed by Archbishop Trevor Huddleston, Dr Allan Boesak, Robert Hughes MP, Andimba Toivo ja Toivo and Oliver Tambo

>>120941 Tony Hollingsworth - Tribute Inspirations - Nelson Mandela: 70th Birthday Tribute (video)

>>120942 Tony Hollingworth – “re-positioned Nelson Mandela from “black terrorist leader” to “black leader” to, consulting for the US White House on a public campaign in a response to 9/11”, etc. (video)

>>120958 Tony Hollingsworth on Madiba – Mandela’s Rivonia Trial Speech

Trafigura Bun

>>120924 Trafigura posts record half-year profit as commodities volatility intensifies

>>120925 Commodities trading houses help keep Russian oil flowing

>>120924 Trafigura posts record half-year profit as commodities volatility intensifies

>>120926 EXCLUSIVE Trafigura to stop buying crude from Russia's Rosneft ahead of EU deadline

>>120927 Trafigura Invests €1.5 Billion in Rosneft’s Arctic Oil Project to Cement Ties

>>120928 Trafigura investigated for alleged corruption, market manipulation

>>120929 UPDATE 2-"Trafigura has bought out founder's family [Dauphin] stake in full – CFO” - after record earnings in 2020

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16569285 (010102ZJUL22) Notable: Trevor Huddleston Bun | United Democratic Front Bun

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Trevor Huddleston Bun

>>120943 Timeline: Father Trevor Huddleston, includes speech, given at the 1990 Nelson Mandela: An International tribute to free South Africa concert. At Wembley stadium,London. (video)

>>120944 Bishop Trevor Huddleston. Pervert who preyed on the Poor

>>120945 “Tutu, Desmond – An Equal Rights Advocate – World Class” – Trevor Huddleston and Harry Oppenheimer

>>120946 Oliver Tambo and Trevor Huddleston

United Democratic Front Bun

>>120947 VIOLENCE AND APARTHEID – Violence between Indians and Blacks [1985] - United Democratic Front (UDF)

>>120952, >>120953, >>120954, >>120955, >>120956, >>120957 United Democratic Front timeline 1983-1990 (Parts 1-6)

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16574546 (011748ZJUL22) Notable: “Mbeki, Chippy and the Greek lobbyist” – – Imvume, Oilgate, Tony Georgiadis and his wife, FW de Klerk, Jacob Zuma, National Pary, etc (Parts 1-4)

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>>120794

>Where others feared to do business with South Africa directly, Marc Rich was happy to step in as a middleman ¬– along with characters such as Marino Chiavelli of Italy, John Deuss of the Netherlands, and the Greek shipping merchant Tony Georgiadis (who continued to find ways to do business with a democratic South Africa).

>>120861

>“The ANC’s Oilgate” – Glencore, Iraq ties

“Mbeki, Chippy and the Greek lobbyist” – Imvume, Oilgate, Tony Georgiadis and his wife, FW de Klerk, Jacob Zuma, National Pary, etc. – (1 of 4)

https://mg.co.za/article/2007-02-09-mbeki-chippy-and-the-greek-lobbyist/

9 February 2007

Details emerging from the German corruption probe into defence and steel conglomerate ThyssenKrupp have thrown dramatic new light on two men named in the very first allegations concerning the South African arms deal.

One is Shamin ”Chippy” Shaik, former chief of acquisitions for the Defence Department, who came under suspicion almost from the start because of his brother Schabir’s involvement in the arms deal.

The other is Tony Georgiadis, who has remained largely in the shadows despite being mentioned in the infamous ”De Lille dossier”, a memorandum drawn up by concerned African National Congress (ANC) intelligence operatives and released through Patricia de Lille in September 1999.

Shaik was at the centre of special defence procurement and reported directly to former defence minister Joe Modise, whose death in 2001 stifled a Scorpions probe into Modise’s own controversial role in the arms deal.

Georgiades, a Greek shipping tycoon and alleged key sanctions-buster under apartheid, reportedly had the ear of President Thabo Mbeki while acting as a lobbyist for Thyssen, lead partner in the German frigate consortium (GFC), and Ferrostaal, which led the German submarine consortium.

Two sources in touch with the German investigators told the Mail & Guardian that Georgiadis is a focus of the investigation of at least $22-million in commission payments made on the warship deal.

Georgiadis was travelling this week and could not be contacted.

The German news magazine Der Spiegel reported on Monday that, in raids on Thyssen and related companies last year, the Dusseldorf prosecutor’s office obtained internal company memos allegedly referring to a meeting between executives of the GFC and Chippy Shaik in July 1998.

Shaik allegedly demanded payment of $3-million to ensure the success of the German bid. He supposedly proposed a middleman: accountant Ian Pierce, a friend from his student days at the University of Durban-Westville.

This week, Pierce refused to take media calls. Mo Shaik, speaking for his brother, dismissed the claims against Chippy.

Der Spiegel wrote that later in 1998 a lobby agreement for $3-million was signed with Merian Limited, in London, with Pierce acting as Merian’s representative. The magazine said the first payments for the warships were made to the GFC in April 2000 and Merian received $3-million from the Germans in the same month.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16574556 (011749ZJUL22) Notable: “Mbeki, Chippy and the Greek lobbyist” – – Imvume, Oilgate, Tony Georgiadis and his wife, FW de Klerk, Jacob Zuma, National Pary, etc (Parts 1-4)

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>>121001

“Mbeki, Chippy and the Greek lobbyist” – – Imvume, Oilgate, Tony Georgiadis and his wife, FW de Klerk, Jacob Zuma, National Pary, etc. – (2 of 4)

https://mg.co.za/article/2007-02-09-mbeki-chippy-and-the-greek-lobbyist/

9 February 2007

Payments

The M&G has traced five payments from Merian to a South African bank account held by Pierce.

The payments, roughly monthly, began in August 2000 and appear to correspond to interest payments that might be received on such a sum. The five payments extend until March 2001 — when the arms deal probe was already hotting up — and total about R470Â 000. These were probably only interest payments.

Der Spiegel did not name the GFC executives who allegedly met Shaik, but the key figure is understood to be Christoff Hoenings, then manager of Thyssen subsidiary Thyssen Rheinstahl.

Hoenings revealed in 1995, during earlier bidding for the corvette contract, that Mbeki intervened to restore the German bid after Armscor had announced a shortlist that included only Spain’s Bazan and Britain’s Yarrow shipyards.

Hoenings said Mbeki had, on a state visit to Germany, personally told him ”the race is still open to all contenders”.

A well-placed intelligence source identified Hoenings as one of the Thyssen executives close to Georgiadis.

Georgiadis keeps a low profile: his only media exposure was when his wife, Elita, left him for former president FW de Klerk. But the De Lille dossier identified Georgiadis as a lobbyist for the German arms companies.

The 1999 memo states: ”Thyssen is the preferred bidder for the corvettes — Ferrostaal is the preferred bidder for the submarines. Both companies is [sic] supported by Tony Georgiades who is facilitating the success of their bid. FW de Klerk is married to Elita who was married to Tony Georgiades. We know that Tony was bankrolling the Nationalist Party and its leaders.”

Several sources said Georgiades was close to Mbeki. Last year, the aborted corruption trial of former deputy president Jacob Zuma confirmed his relationship with former justice minister Penuell Maduna and former Scorpions boss Bulelani Ngcuka.

Der Spiegel revealed that the German authorities were looking at payments made to several other people, firms and foundations linked to the South African deal, including a Monrovia-registered company that had received a total of $22-million by October 2001.

The M&G understands that it has been identified as Mallar Incorporated, an offshore company registered in 1978 with the Liberian International Shipping and Company Register.

The register is extremely opaque, providing neither the names of directors and shareholders, nor contact addresses for the underlying entity. However, two sources in touch with German investigators confirm that the investigators believe Georgiadis is behind Mallar.

Answering questions about Merian, Mallar and Georgiadis, a spokesperson for ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems said: ”At this stage we have nothing further to say.”

Questions to the Presidency about Mbeki’s relationship with Georgiadis were unanswered at the time of going to press.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16574561 (011750ZJUL22) Notable: “Mbeki, Chippy and the Greek lobbyist” – – Imvume, Oilgate, Tony Georgiadis and his wife, FW de Klerk, Jacob Zuma, National Pary, etc (Parts 1-4)

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>>121001

>>121002

“Mbeki, Chippy and the Greek lobbyist” – – Imvume, Oilgate, Tony Georgiadis and his wife, FW de Klerk, Jacob Zuma, National Pary, etc. – (3 of 4)

https://mg.co.za/article/2007-02-09-mbeki-chippy-and-the-greek-lobbyist/

9 February 2007

Tony Georgiadis: ‘A kingmaker’

”At home, he has photographs of every damn president in the world — He was a political player,” is how a former senior official in South Africa remembers Georgiadis.

Georgiadis’s home, the historic Stud House in the grounds of Hampton Court palace outside London, has hosted more than pictures. While president, De Klerk stayed there, and in his autobiography, De Klerk called Georgiadis a ”good friend” — but that was before the affair.

De Klerk admitted in 1998 to ”having fallen in love” with Elita, whom he later married. The affair was said to have begun in 1994 during one of a number of Mediterranean holidays aboard Georgiadis’s yacht.

According to Beeld, ”a connection developed with the NP [National Party] during the Eighties through oil matters — Mr Georgiades [sic] was a campaigner against sanctions abroad and was regarded as a ‘friend of South Africa’.”

Georgiadis did more than campaign. Alandis, headed by him and his brother, Alexander, was one of the main shippers of crude oil to apartheid South Africa, breaching international sanctions.

The Shipping Research Bureau, which monitored compliance with the embargo, said in 1995: ”In 1989 rumours that a company named Alandis (London) Ltd was the main shipper of oil to South Africa reached the Shipping Research Bureau.

”Only much later, hard evidence surfaced which showed that the rumours had been rather close to the truth. A long list of shipments — as many as 43 in the short period from March 1988 until October 1989, plus a few in the previous years — could be linked to Alandis.”

The M&G understands that apart from organising third-party shipments, Alandis also managed the Pacificos, a crude tanker then owned by the Strategic Fuel Fund Association (SFF), set up by the apartheid government to beat the embargo.

African roots

The Georgiadis brothers, though Greek citizens based in England, have African roots. Their mother, Clio Colocotronis, married their father, Vassos Georgiadis, when she was a teenager and he was two decades her senior. She was the daughter of a banker living in Egypt; he an East African tobacco baron. Alexander and Antony were born in Kampala.

”A kingmaker”, is how one source in the oil industry describes Antony Georgiades. ”He’s extremely influential. He doesn’t do it for the money only — a lot of it is for the prestige.”

In 1994, when De Klerk started romancing his wife and the ANC replaced the NP as ruling party, Georgiadis became as close to members of the new elite as he had been to their predecessors.

The names most often mentioned as Georgiadis’s new local connections include Mbeki, Maduna (former minister of minerals and energy and of justice), his wife, Nompumelelo Maduna (in the oil trade herself), Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka (who succeeded Maduna at minerals and energy), and her husband, Bulelani Ngcuka, the former prosecutions head.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16574572 (011751ZJUL22) Notable: “Mbeki, Chippy and the Greek lobbyist” – – Imvume, Oilgate, Tony Georgiadis and his wife, FW de Klerk, Jacob Zuma, National Pary, etc (Parts 1-4)

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>>121001

>>121002

>>121003

“Mbeki, Chippy and the Greek lobbyist” – – Imvume, Oilgate, Tony Georgiadis and his wife, FW de Klerk, Jacob Zuma, National Pary, etc. – (4 of 4)

https://mg.co.za/article/2007-02-09-mbeki-chippy-and-the-greek-lobbyist/

9 February 2007

Deals

A source close to Imvume, the subject of the Oilgate scandal, has claimed that when its principal, Sandi Majali, first wanted to enter the Iraqi oil trade, he was bankrolled by Georgiadis. He has also been drawn into the succession battle.

Affidavits, filed last year in Zuma’s successful application to have his prosecution for corruption struck from the roll, suggest that Georgiadis attempted to broker a deal that would let French arms company Thales off the hook in return for giving evidence against Zuma.

Both Maduna and Ngcuka’s affidavits describe being contacted by someone ”purporting to be an intermediary” for Thales while they were on official business in London in 2003. The intermediary, whom they do not name, told them Thales was willing to cooperate. At the time, Maduna was still justice minister and Ngcuka the prosecutions head.

In a replying affidavit, Thales official Pierre Moynot reveals Georgiadis as the intermediary, although he denies the initiative was from Thales.

Moynot states that Thales International CEO Jean-Paul Perrier was contacted by Georgiadis, who asked to meet in Paris. ”At the meeting Georgiades [sic] introduced himself as a good friend of Maduna and Ngcuka and wanted to know whether Perrier was prepared to meet with Ngcuka in connection with the investigations that were being conducted in South Africa.

”When Perrier expressed misgivings about Georgiades’s claim concerning his friendship with Ngcuka and Maduna, he called Ngcuka on his mobile phone and passed it to Perrier to talk. Ngcuka confirmed his friendship with Georgiades.”

Georgiadis was not available for comment.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16574634 (011801ZJUL22) Notable: The Murder Of South Africa’s Former First Lady [Marike De Klerk]” – FW De Klerk’s former wife & Judge John Hlophe

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>>121003

>De Klerk admitted in 1998 to ”having fallen in love” with Elita, whom he later married. The affair was said to have begun in 1994 during one of a number of Mediterranean holidays aboard Georgiadis’s yacht.

If someone makes a movie about South Africa, it will beat a James Bond movie.

“The Murder Of South Africa’s Former First Lady [Marike De Klerk]” – FW De Klerk’s former wife

https://flatnote.co.za/marike-de-klerk/

Thirteen years after Marike De Klerk met her violent, lonely end

The former first lady lost her right to state protection when she and former President FW de Klerk divorced in 1998 after 39 years of marriage.

“I knew Mrs De Klerk very well”, says the man who stabbed her so violently that the knife’s blade broke off, before he strangled her to death. “She was always very polite and friendly with me”, he adds.

SPECULATION

At first, almost everyone presumed that Marike de Klerk – former wife of South Africa’s last white president – had killed herself. She did not hide her deep melancholy after FW de Klerk took off with another woman. South Africa’s former first lady told close friends that she wished she were dead.

Mystery surrounded the death of Marike De Klerk. Although earlier reports suggested De Klerk took her own life, the police refused to confirm this rumour. Other rumours had De Klerk dying of a bullet wound through the chest. Again, the police would not comment. Police were not prepared to give any information on the cause of death, saying they were waiting for pathologists to complete their investigation.

Unnamed police detectives were quoted as saying that South Africa’s former first lady might have been murdered to silence her, because she might have threatened to inform police about a diamond smuggling network which involved someone close to her.

The flat was tidy and did not appear to have been been ransacked, although her cellphone still seemed to be missing. When the news that she had in fact been murdered first filtered out radio station phone lines were pounded with angry callers venting their spleens about crime. If even the wife of a former president can be murdered, what hope is there for everyone else?

An autopsy revealed that she was strangled to death at about 9am on Monday. Professor Deon Knobel, who carried out the autopsy, said that the killer gripped his victim’s neck with such force that he broke several bones in her throat and burst a blood vessel in her eye. She was probably on her knees when she died.

https://flatnote.co.za/marike-de-klerk/2/

Mboniswa pleaded not guilty, but did not testify in his own defence. Earlier he had made a confession but said the killing had been masterminded by de Klerk’s dance teacher, John Thebus, – a contention rejected by the prosecution. “The defence counsel tried to show, then illustrate, another person may have been involved. There was no such evidence.” Finding Mboniswa guilty of murder and housebreaking with aggravating circumstances, Justice Hlope said the prosecution’s evidence had been clear and undisputed.

Hlophe said the fact that Mboniswa had gone to De Klerk’s home armed with the knife that he had used to stab her in the back, and had travelled a vast distance by taxi to Dolphin Beach luxury apartment, was an indication that he had planned the robbery and murder. “It was also clear that at times Mboniswa was being economical with the truth,” Hlope said.

Luyanda Mboniswa was convicted by the Cape High Court of housebreaking and murder, but acquitted of rape. The court accepted that Mrs De Klerk, 64, was stabbed in the back with a steak knife and then strangled at her high-security Cape Town apartment in December 2001. Pathologists suspected she had also been raped, but Judge John Hlope said that could not be proved beyond doubt.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16574642 (011802ZJUL22) Notable: The Murder Of South Africa’s Former First Lady [Marike De Klerk]” – FW De Klerk’s former wife & Judge John Hlophe

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>>121005

>Pathologists suspected she had also been raped, but Judge John Hlope said that could not be proved beyond doubt.

“Latest Hlophe scandal puts JSC under scrutiny” - Judge John Hlophe

https://legalbrief.co.za/story/latest-hlophe-scandal-puts-jsc-under-scrutiny/

3 February 2020

The publishing of a leaked complaint to the JSC about Judge John Hlophe is a godsend – because it means that the JSC will now face public scrutiny about how it handles the issue. The time is overdue for greater transparency when it comes to mechanisms for holding judges and magistrates accountable. So says Rebecca Davis in a Daily Maverick analysis. A complaint laid by Western Cape Deputy Judge President Patricia Goliath with the JSC in mid-January has detonated like a hand grenade in the legal profession, accusing Western Cape Judge President John Hlophe of a litany of offences – ranging from the attempt to influence judicial appointments to a physical assault on a fellow judge. However, notes Davis, the charge sheet against Hlophe had been building steadily for over a decade. In addition to the well-known allegation that Hlophe attempted to influence the Constitutional Court’s judgment in favour of President Jacob Zuma in a matter related to arms deal corruption in 2008, Hlophe has also been accused of:

* Calling attorney Joshua Greeff a 'piece of white shit' who should 'go back to Holland' (2004/5).

* Accepting a R10 000 monthly retainer from fund management company The Oasis Group, which frequently litigated in his court (2006).

* Operating under a conflict of interest by permitting his son to accept a bursary from a Cape Town attorney firm (2006).

* Allocating himself a case which he should not have heard as one of the acting attorneys was Hlophe’s personal lawyer (2014).

We know very little about the first three cases, notes Davis. That’s because, as Judges Matter researchers Zikhona Ndlebe and Alison Tilley report: 'The JSC decided by an undisclosed majority that there was insufficient evidence to proceed with a public inquiry into any of these allegations of misconduct.' The 2014 conflict of interest case went to the Supreme Court, meanwhile, which concluded that Hlophe could not have brought 'an impartial mind to bear on the adjudication of a matter brought before him by his attorney'. Said Ndlebe and Tilley: 'Whether or not the JSC will act on this is not known, since the JSC does not report to the public on complaints received or on its findings.' In other words, writes Davis, what the JSC does or does not do when it comes to allegations of misconduct against judges is largely shrouded in secrecy. 'The leaking of Goliath’s affidavit has blown this modus operandi out of the water in a welcome fashion.'

Full Daily Maverick report - https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2020-01-31-hlophe-crisis-may-force-greater-transparency-in-dealing-with-errant-judges/

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16574841 (011828ZJUL22) Notable: The Murder Of South Africa’s Former First Lady [Marike De Klerk]” – FW De Klerk’s former wife & Judge John Hlophe

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>>121006

“Judge President John Hlophe ‘vindicated’ by leave to appeal possible impeachment”

https://www.iol.co.za/capetimes/news/judge-president-john-hlophe-vindicated-by-leave-to-appeal-possible-impeachment-191ba78b-e995-4eb5-a503-a143a0273de3

June 24, 2022

Cape Town - Western Cape Judge President John Hlophe’s legal team said they were vindicated by the ruling of the Gauteng High Court in Johannesburg, which has granted him leave to appeal against his potential impeachment.

Barnabus Xulu SC, said they were confident the Supreme Court of Appeal would come to a different ruling, but that they also intended taking the Minister of Justice to court for prejudicial treatment relating to costs not being awarded.

“We are vindicated by this ruling. We truly believe for the reasons advanced in our application that the Supreme Court of Appeal will come to a different decision, which eventually will clear our client and give clarity to this long outstanding matter.

“The shocking thing is that our client legal team have been refused their fees, whereas the Concourt judges legal team and the judicial service commission is being favoured.

“This act is very prejudicial and has been raised by our client Judge President Hlophe to Chief Justice Zondo and no response has been received therein following months of correspondence to the Department in this regard, and it has now necessitated that our legal team take inter alia the Minister of Justice to court for the same reason,” said Xulu.

The impeachment recommendation follows the Judicial Conduct Tribunal’s finding that Hlophe was found guilty of trying to influence the outcome of former president Jacob Zuma’s corruption charges in 2008.

The tribunal’s report stated that Hlophe breached sections of the Constitution when he tried to influence two justices of the Constitutional Court, where he had attempted to influence Justice Chris Jafta and Justice Bess Nkabinde to rule in a particular manner in a pending judgment between Zuma and the National Prosecuting Authority.

Full bench of the Gauteng High Court - Aubrey Ledwaba, Roland Sutherland and Margie Victor - in ruling, said that while Judge Hlophe’s application lacked merit, it did hold matters of ‘’significant public importance’.

“The controversy embraces both the obvious and several nuanced issues of critical significance to the administration of justice,” their judgment read.

“These include the integrity of the judiciary as a whole, and the norms by which it falls to be held accountable and the proper functioning of the Judicial Service Commission. Indeed the matter also has implications for the parliamentary process. These aspects of the case go beyond the personal predicament of Hlophe JP and merits and demerits of his personal case.

“The disciplining of a Judge of the high court for impugning a court’s integrity is unprecedented. The removal of a Judge of the high court by the National Assembly upon a finding of gross misconduct by the Judicial Service Commission is unprecedented… In our view, the case raises discrete issues of ‘public importance that will have an effect on future matters.”

On these grounds the court ruled that the application for leave to appeal was sound and was granted.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16580401 (021339ZJUL22) Notable: South Africa: President to Officiate Launch of Anglo American Nugen™️ Zero Emission Haulage Solution

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“South Africa: President to Officiate Launch of Anglo American Nugen™️ Zero Emission Haulage Solution”

https://allafrica.com/stories/202205050426.html

5 May 2022

President Cyril Ramaphosa will tomorrow, Friday, 6 May 2022, officiate the launch of Anglo American's nuGen™️ Zero Emission Haulage Solution.

The launch of the haulage solution, which is a hydrogen-powered, ultra-class mine haul truck, will take place at the Mogalakwena PGM mine in Mokopane, Limpopo.

Anglo American's nuGen™️ Zero Emission Haulage Solution is designed to operate fully laden with a payload of 290 tonnes in conventional mine conditions.

The use of this technology demonstrates the efficiency of hydrogen in the heaviest classes of transport and the role it can play in the transition toward a low carbon future.

This innovative investment fulfills part of the pledges made by Anglo American at the South Africa Investment Conference to contribute to the expansion of the South African economy, including assisting South African industry to achieve a clean energy future.

President Ramaphosa will as part of the launch activities observe the working demonstration of the nuGen™️ hydrogen-powered truck and join a guided tour of Anglo American's on-site hydrogen production, storage and refuelling complex, which incorporates the largest electrolyser in Africa.

South Africa is committed, as a signatory to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and Paris Agreement, to a just transition, a low carbon economy and a climate-resilient society.

South Africa is party to an historic agreement signed in 2021 with France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the United States and the European Union to mobilise an initial $8.5 billion over the next three to five years through a range of instruments, including grants and concessional finance, to support the implementation of our revised NDC through a just transition to a low carbon and climate resilient economy.

Following his tour of the mine the President will deliver an address at the formal proceedings of the launch of the nuGen™️ Zero Emission Haulage Solution.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16588176 (031443ZJUL22) Notable: Cracks in South Africa's White Monopolies, New York Times 1993 (Parts 1-5)

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“Cracks in South Africa's White Monopolies”, 1993 – (more like “strategies” than “cracks”) Gencor, Anglo American, Michael Spicer, Sanlam, Oppenheimer, Tito Mboweni, and more – Part 1

https://www.nytimes.com/1993/06/17/business/cracks-in-south-africa-s-white-monopolies.html

June 17, 1993

From the early days of independent South Africa, whites have tacitly divided power: Afrikaners ran the state, English-speakers ran the economy. While the Afrikaners conceived apartheid [the name, British created the laws for their mines >>120964 ], the English bred corporate giants.

During the decades of South Africa's isolation from a disapproving world, the business behemoths fed on each other and on the carcasses of abandoned foreign ventures. Today, just four colossal corporate groups control more than 80 percent of the value of all the companies listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange.

And so two announcements last month from one of the corporate titans, the Sanlam Group, seemed a premonition of an upheaval in South Africa's economic and industrial order that could prove momentous.

The first was news that Sanlam's industrial centerpiece, a conglomerate called Gencor, was breaking up – shedding its oil company, its paper company and other industrial appendages, and shrinking back to its origins as a mining house.

Then two days later, Sanlam announced it was beginning to sell control of its Metropolitan Life insurance company to a black consortium. This would eventually create by far the largest pool of black-controlled capital that could be used to buy other companies and gain a foothold for South Africa's blacks in the white corporate fraternity.

The maneuvers, executives insisted, were inspired by profits, not politics. But underlying the changes was an awareness that in business, as in politics, the days of white monopoly are numbered [actually they flourished].

"It is nothing short of the boardroom equivalent of revolution," declared The Financial Mail, a weekly Johannesburg business magazine.

With the first nonracial elections tentatively scheduled for next April, South Africa may well exchange a government that regards corporate giants as sacrosanct, even patriotic, for one that views them as fortresses of white power and privilege.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16588187 (031444ZJUL22) Notable: Cracks in South Africa's White Monopolies, New York Times 1993 (Parts 1-5)

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“Cracks in South Africa's White Monopolies”, 1993 – (more like “strategies” than “cracks”) Gencor, Anglo American, Michael Spicer, Sanlam, Oppenheimer, Tito Mboweni, and more – Part 2

https://www.nytimes.com/1993/06/17/business/cracks-in-south-africa-s-white-monopolies.html

June 17, 1993

The African National Congress, which expects to emerge as the dominant party in the first post-apartheid government, regards the corporate pyramids as prime targets for change under a populist economic policy [it did not happen].

The congress, under the tutelage of Western economists, has shifted away from an earlier policy advocating nationalization of big corporations. Now its strategy is to break them up through forced divestiture and aggressive antitrust laws.

"We have two critical problems," said Tito Mboweni, the congress's chief economist, an avid student of the A.T.& T. breakup and of Western antitrust laws. "One being the concentration of economic power, the other being the lack of competition."

Mr. Mboweni argues that the economic might of the white cartels invariably gives them undue influence over public policy.

"These groups are basically able to shape the direction of the entire government," he said. "They have a massive capacity to corrupt the future state. They cannot last." [Yet it thrives today]

He described the dismantling of Gencor as "a very useful case study" for a future government interested in breaking up white corporate oligarchies.

"Our antitrust policy would go further, of course," Mr. Mboweni said. "But Gencor provides evidence that these things are possible."

Defenders of South Africa's corporate giants point out that bigness was inherent in the country's main industry, the diamond and gold mines discovered a century ago, and that much of the growth followed organically.

By this reasoning, the mines spawned companies to produce explosives, which led them into chemicals; to produce cable and drilling equipment, which led to the first private steel mill; to produce timber to shore up the mineshafts, which led to pulp and paper mills. Builders of Wealth

"We don't contest that we control a large share," said Michael W. Spicer, who is group public affairs consultant and adviser to the chairman at the Anglo American Corporation, the biggest of the South African giants. "But 80 percent of the companies we control, we started."

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16588192 (031445ZJUL22) Notable: Cracks in South Africa's White Monopolies, New York Times 1993 (Parts 1-5)

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“Cracks in South Africa's White Monopolies”, 1993 – (more like “strategies” than “cracks”) Gencor, Anglo American, Michael Spicer, Sanlam, Oppenheimer, Tito Mboweni, and more – Part 3

https://www.nytimes.com/1993/06/17/business/cracks-in-south-africa-s-white-monopolies.html

June 17, 1993

As Western companies, bowing to stockholder pressure, divested themselves of their holdings, big South African companies stepped in. The Sanlam group snapped up Mobil Oil and called it Engen. Anglo American bought Barclays Bank and Ford. And so on.

The major groups built sprawling edifices, using pyramids of holding companies or arabesques of crisscross ownership that enabled them to keep control without being majority shareholders. Nearly 10 percent of the concerns listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange produce nothing; they exist only to hold controlling shares of other companies.

Critics say the economy has suffered severely from this inbreeding: inflated prices, sclerotic bureaucracy, neglect of research and development and a closed and secretive corporate culture that even its members liken to a cabal. Monopolies Abound

Robin McGregor, who publishes the most detailed data on South African corporations, sees a dangerous nepotism in the intertwining of banks and other financial institutions with mining and manufacturing. Industrials, he says, can turn to a "sugar daddy" within their own group for financing, sopping up capital that might otherwise go to new entrepreneurs.

Corporate executives and some supporters on university faculties dispute these assertions. They say that bigness is necessary to marshal the capital for huge projects like sinking new mineshafts, and that diversification is important to level the cycles created by fluctuations in the price of gold.

In any case, said Mr. Spicer of Anglo American, his company is not about to follow Sanlam into restructuring before the political battle has even been waged.

The African National Congress's views have already evolved, he said. They may evolve some more. And even if the congress wins the elections, it is likely to be governing some sort of shared-power arrangement.

"We're not about to give up early," he said. Ahead of Its Time?

Independent analysts say that the diminishing of white corporate control is inevitable, and that Sanlam has just moved ahead of the pack. [They fell for the ruse]

Malcolm Stewart, of Kaplan & Stewart, a brokerage firm, detects signs that other groups have quietly begun to reshuffle their holdings in ways that might presage divestitures.

"The Sanlam board has seen the writing on the wall, both politically and economically," he said. "They're all doing it to some degree, but they're not admitting it. What I find most incredible is that it's Afrikaners who are leading it."

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16588194 (031446ZJUL22) Notable: Cracks in South Africa's White Monopolies, New York Times 1993 (Parts 1-5)

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“Cracks in South Africa's White Monopolies”, 1993 – (more like “strategies” than “cracks”) Gencor, Anglo American, Michael Spicer, Sanlam, Oppenheimer, Tito Mboweni, and more – Part 4

https://www.nytimes.com/1993/06/17/business/cracks-in-south-africa-s-white-monopolies.html

June 17, 1993

Indeed, Sanlam is an Afrikaner company, the product of a drive that began in the late 1930's to gain Afrikaners a piece of the English-dominated private economy.

Sanlam began as the South African National Life Assurance Company, which, with the help of new tax laws that favored insurance over other forms of savings, soon was buying controlling interests in companies across the industrial spectrum.

In itself, both Gencor officials and independent analysts say, the unbundling of Gencor's corporate tangle is aimed mainly at limbering up a musclebound corporate structure, not at promoting economic democracy or competition.

Gencor, which mines gold, platinum, coal and other minerals, had become the group's parking lot for a diverse range of acquisitions. When the shift takes effect in August, those companies will split off; Gencor itself will shrink from 20 billion rand in assets, or $6.3 billion at the current rate of exchange, to about half as much.

"Conglomerate structures housing groups of unrelated businesses are today regarded as inefficient by many investors around the world," said Brian Gilbertson, Gencor's chairman, when he announced the move.

Sanlam will reduce its holding in the new lineup of companies from more than half to about 35 percent, giving up absolute control.

Sanlam's other move, selling off shares in Metropolitan Life, was billed explicitly as "black economic empowerment."

The black consortium will initially control 10 percent of the company, with an option on 20 percent more. Sanlam is to pool its own 30 percent with the black consortium, and let the black group take the lead in deciding how to spend the company's capital, now about $500 million.

Since 85 percent of Metropolitan's policyholders are black, in a sense this is putting black capital at the disposal of black managers.

"For this economy to improve on a sustained, long-term basis, you need to get an environment where all the people can participate in the economy in the fullest sense," said Marinus H. Daling, chief executive of Sanlam's holding company, Sankorp. "Up to now the majority of the population participated only by selling their labor. By this deal, we are setting up a situation where they participate by controlling capital." South Africans Seen as Buyers

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16588199 (031446ZJUL22) Notable: Cracks in South Africa's White Monopolies, New York Times 1993 (Parts 1-5)

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“Cracks in South Africa's White Monopolies”, 1993 – (more like “strategies” than “cracks”) Gencor, Anglo American, Michael Spicer, Sanlam, Oppenheimer, Tito Mboweni, and more – Part 5

https://www.nytimes.com/1993/06/17/business/cracks-in-south-africa-s-white-monopolies.html

June 17, 1993

Mr. Mboweni of the African National Congress said the Metropolitan deal helped answer the question of who would buy the pieces of the corporate pyramids. Blacks may generally be poor, but they are numerous, he said, and they can buy into the economy, in something of the way that Afrikaners did, through black-owned pension funds or life insurance companies.

Thus while divestiture will create some opportunities for foreign buyers, he said, adding, "I anticipate that the major buyers of these companies will be South Africans."

Over at Anglo American, Mr. Spicer said his group also had some moves in the works to put capital under black control.

He cautioned, however, that such deals would coalesce slowly, depending on how quickly blacks develop the necessary management skills.

As a precedent, Mr. Spicer cited the way that Anglo's founder, Harry Oppenheimer, helped break Afrikaners into the mining business.

In the 1960's, the Afrikaners of Sanlam had built a pool of capital and practiced their skills on a small mining venture, but they couldn't get into the big leagues. Mr. Oppenheimer, eager to build good will, cut them in on a huge venture called General Mining.

The product of this early maneuver in capitalist affirmative action was called Gencor.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16588217 (031449ZJUL22) Notable: The Rupert, Moolman, Stofberg, Bekker Media Cartel (Parts 1-4)

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“The Rupert, Moolman, Stofberg, Bekker Media Cartel” Part 2

https://medialternatives.com/2015/04/11/the-rupert-moolman-stofberg-bekker-media-cartel/

Dated April 11, 2015

Rupert’s “Bidco” stake

The sanctions-busting Rembrandt Group comprises Remgro, Richemont and Venfin, and includes a variety of equity investment vehicles such as Reinet Investments.

“Bidco” in turn, comprises RMB Investments, Remgro and Caxton directors Terry Moolman and Noel Coburn. It was involved in the recent buyout of ElementONE, a major Caxton shareholder.

Johann Rupert via Independent Online, said Remgro had an effective shareholding of less than 7 percent in Caxton. “These are shares that we acquired about 20 years ago when there was a huge fight between Naspers and Perskor.”1

Remgro has long held a 1,7% stake in Caxton, a legacy of the old Perskor Group.2

Caxton subsequently acquired Perskor and vice versa.

The resulting Remgro stake in the cartel which includes Kagiso, Caxton, Perskor, and Naspers, represents a serious concentration of media assets amongst a few Afrikaner businessmen.

The impact of the cartel on proceedings before the Labour Court of South Africa would result in calls for the removal of the labour broker and legal professional responsible for drafting a decision memorialising and reiterating the ‘apartheid heresy’ from a top post at the ivy league University of Cape Town, in impeachment and disbarring proceedings that include removal of M H Cheadle from the institution’s Senate.

Deals made during court proceedings, included the merger of financial units associated with Kagiso and Sanlam, a major shareholder in Naspers.

A long association

The late Anton Rupert’s association with Naspers began in the 1940s with the establishment of Tegniek (Technology), the Afrikaans business magazine started by the Rembrandt Group which would later become Finansies & Tegniek (with an English counterpart Finance Week) in the Naspers stable. Mutual projects at the behest of the apartheid regime, orchestrated by Anton Rupert, included the Urban Foundation, set up to exploit the black townships and bantustans, and involving “prominent Afrikaners” Andreas Wassenaar (Sanlam), Wim de Villiers (Gencor), David de Villiers (Nationale Pers), and Jan van der Horst (Old Mutual) as well as Rupert’s own Rembrandt Group.

Today, the Rupert dynasty has an effective interest in Naspers via Momentum and Sanlam, including a variety of connection companies.

The Rupert-Sanlam connection began with the Afrikanerbond and its “volkscapitalisme” emerging with the pivotal 1953 deal which saw Rembrandt’s acquisition of tobacco company Rothmans International, followed by successive deals (South African Breweries, Distell and Gencor), in which white Afrikaner economic interests were shared out amongst a select few. A bailout of Volkskas and Sanlam by Rothmans in the 1980s would put the Ruperts in the proverbial pound seat.

Sanlam-Rembrandt partnerships in mining giant Federale Mynbow would follow with Sanlam retaining shares in Rembrandt and vice versa, the “mutual cooperation that will be created by this new and powerful partnership”.

“The controlling interest in Gencor was held by Federale Mynbou, in which Sanlam and Rembrandt between them held a 72% stake. As a result, Sanlam became one of the largest conglomerates in the country after Anglo American and Old Mutual.” 3 The often tempestuous relationship between Rembrandt and Sanlam is illustrated in several chapters of Anton Rupert’s biography, written by Naspers editor Ebbe Dommisse and published by Naspers imprint, Tafelberg.

Rembrandt would go on to buy out Sanlam’s stake in Volkskas, in the process orchestrating a variety of mergers and spin-off companies.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16588218 (031450ZJUL22) Notable: The Rupert, Moolman, Stofberg, Bekker Media Cartel (Parts 1-4)

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“The Rupert, Moolman, Stofberg, Bekker Media Cartel” Part 3

https://medialternatives.com/2015/04/11/the-rupert-moolman-stofberg-bekker-media-cartel/

Dated April 11, 2015

The Rupert, Bekker, Stofberg relationship

The Rupert, Bekker, Stofberg relationship began in the early 1990s when Johann Rupert selected pay-TV as the third leg for the family’s growing offshore business, Richemont. 4

Cobus Stofberg is a major Naspers shareholder, a non-executive Naspers director, and a senior executive at MIH Holdings Limited, a Naspers subsidiary.

The pivotal 1994 election year would see the creation of a 50-50 Rupert-Bekker holding company, NetHold, which held the multichoice assets which would later become MIH. Rupert’s Remgro stake however was subsequently spun-off into Canal+ in a complex equity deal which effectively removed Remgro control over the entity. Remgro, currently holds 31.2% of Sabido, the media division of black-owned conglomerate HCI, (eTV) amongst other media assets which include radio stations such as Heart 104.9 FM.

Another current Remgro-Naspers connecting company is Dark Fibre Africa. A Bloomberg search reveals that Rudi Jansen of Naspers Limited has “Board Affiliations on Dark Fibre Africa (RF) (Pty) Ltd”. Dark Fibre Africa is held via a complex series of nested companies, and ultimately owned by Venfin, a Remgro subsidiary.

Anton Rupert’s 2005 biography contains a diagram of the share structure of Rembrandt, showing SAIL as a Venfin subsidiary. The SAIL website claims the group is “privately-owned” but is involved in DSTV sportscasting, including Vodacom SuperRugby and DSTV delicious. Rupert’s Venfin at the time had a 15% stake in Vodacom.

Not only is Remgro invested in SABIDO which owns eTV, it is a crucial part of the MIH Multichoice bouquet and resulting Media Cartel. The latest scandal involving Multichoice’s dominance in this sector is bound to ring alarm bells.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16588219 (031451ZJUL22) Notable: The Rupert, Moolman, Stofberg, Bekker Media Cartel (Parts 1-4)

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“The Rupert, Moolman, Stofberg, Bekker Media Cartel” Part 4

https://medialternatives.com/2015/04/11/the-rupert-moolman-stofberg-bekker-media-cartel/

Dated April 11, 2015

The Sanlam Connection

The Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Lewens Assuransie Maatskappij Beperk (South African National Life Assurance Company Limited) otherwise known as Sanlam, is perhaps the most difficult entity to deal with. As an insurance giant, it is anything but transparent. It is only in recent years that the Naspers-Sanlam connection has come under scrutiny.

A history of the company here and here shows that In December 1917 a small group of Afrikaners including Willie Hofmeyr (a prominent Afrikaner leader and first chairman of the Board of Directors of the then newly established Afrikaans newspaper De Burger owned by Nasionale Pers, and since 1918, Managing Director of Nasionale Pers), started the enterprise.

In reality two separate entities emerged from the one holding company, Sanlam and Santam. The one focusing on short term insurance, the other on long term insurance.

In 1935 Sanlam bought the shares of the life assurance company African Homes Trust, which would later become Metropolitan Life, from Santam. In effect two companies owned by the single holding company would begin selling units back and forth in a familiar pattern which would repeat itself many times. The Metropolitan deal would later play itself out during proceedings in 2010, as the cartel cemented its control over units that had been opened up to limited black economic empowerment, and giving a semblance of transformation, and yet Naspers itself, opposed the outcome of the Truth Commission and thus resisted the negotiated settlement and transitional justice framework.

Afrikaner business intrigue thus really beings in 1940, when Federale Volksbeleggings (FVB) was registered by Sanlam, “giving policy owners a stake in a large number of commercial and industrial companies and providing them with the opportunity to contribute” towards white broad-based development, to their mutual benefit. The foundation of FVB would eventually lead to the foundation of Afrikaner industrial and mining giant Gencor in the 1950s and the ensuing competition for control of South Africa’s industrial sector by the Rupert dynasty, and its takeover of Volkskas which in turn created Amalgamated Banks of South Africa (ABSA) and lead to the creation of Rand Merchant Bank (RMB), owned by Remgro.

A variety of co-option schemes and plans to include key black industrialists have further implicated the cartel in a ruse to simply whitewash past associations with the apartheid regime. Patrice Motsepe for instance, owns a substantial stake in Sanlam’s Ubuntu-Botha BEE Scheme. One can’t help but thinking the result is a black PW Botha of BEE.

RMB own 100% of Momentum, which in turn is part of a new entity called Momentum Metropolitan Investments (MMI), the result joins both sides of the cartel in an interesting financial merger.

1Retrieved 11 April 2015 http://www.iol.co.za/business/companies/rupert-hits-out-at-the-anc-1.1616316#.VSjnM-HvakA

2Retrieved 11 April 2015 http://www.financialmail.co.za/fmfox/2013/12/05/rupert-denies-grand-media-scheme-at-remgro

3 Page 261, Anton Rupert, A biography, Ebbe Dommisse, Willie Esterhuyse, Tafelberg, 2005

4 Retrieved: 9 April 2015 http://www.bdlive.co.za/businesstimes/2015/03/15/stock-talk-caxton-takes-another-shot-at-naspers

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16588260 (031501ZJUL22) Notable: Interesting facts on Barclays/Absa

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>>121017

>Rupert dynasty, and its takeover of Volkskas which in turn created Amalgamated Banks of South Africa (ABSA)

“Interesting facts on Barclays/Absa”

https://www.namibian.com.na/index.php?id=15925&page=archive-read

2005–05-11

LONDON/JOHANNESBURG - Britain's Barclays agreed a US$5,5 billion (N$33 billion) deal for a majority stake in lender Absa on Monday, marking the bank's return to South Africa and the biggest direct foreign investment in the country.

Below are key facts about Absa and Barclays. ABSA Absa is South Africa's biggest retail bank with 31 600

employees, 2 000 temporary employees, 670 outlets, seven million customers and more than 5 100 automated teller machines (ATMs) and the country's biggest Internet banking base.

It is South Africa's third largest bank by assets, with assets of 313,9 billion rand, behind Standard Bank and FirstRand.

Absa had a market capitalisation of 52,41 billion rand at Friday's closing share price.

Its shares have jumped 32 per cent, and Absa's market value has risen by almost 13 billion rand, since talks with Barclays were first announced on September 23 last year.

In November, Absa posted a 16 per cent increase in headline earnings per share, excluding gains and losses from financial instruments and extraordinary, non-trading and capital items, for the six months to end-September.

Total advances for the first six months of the financial year grew 17,6 per cent to 242,6 billion rand.

Deposits in the half-year rose 12,1 per cent to 252,7 billion rand.

The group operates in Tanzania, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Namibia.

Absa said last week it had agreed to buy a majority stake in a new Nigerian bank formed from the merger of three smaller banks as part of its drive to expand into Africa.

The company said last month it had bought a controlling stake in Angola's Banco Comercial Angolano (BCA).

The company has a normalised price-to-earnings ratio of 11,28 price to cash flow ratio of 9,73 and return on equity of 24,88 per cent, according to Reuters Knowledge.

Absa was formed in 1998 when the United, Volkskas, Allied and TrustBank banking brands were consolidated into a single brand.

The Amalgamated Banks of South Africa (Absa) came to being in 1991 when UBS Holdings, the Allied, Volkskas groups and some interests of the Sage Group merged.

It acquired the Bankorp Group in 1992.

BARCLAYS Barclays is Britain's third biggest bank by assets and the world's 10th biggest by market value, which is about US$68 billion.

The Absa deal is the biggest step so far in Barclays' attempt to double its share of profit outside the UK from about 20 per

cent.

After completion, Barclays will make about a third of profit outside Britain and about 10 per cent in Africa.

The bank is trying to position itself to be one of about 10 global banking players that Chairman Matt Barrett has said will emerge in the next few years.

It wants to expand internationally in investment banking, fund management and credit cards.

The bank operates in over 60 countries with more than 78 400 employees and has 522 billion pounds in total assets.

Barclays posted a 20 per cent increase in 2004 full-year profit to a record 4,6 billion pounds.

It has a normalised price-earnings ratio of 10,74 a price-to-book value of 2,04 times and return on equity of 18,76 per cent according to Reuters Knowledge.

Barclays was the most international of Britain's banks and a major force in South Africa until it sold off its operations in 1986 during apartheid.

It established a business there in 1921 and was the country's biggest bank with 1 000 branches when it pulled out due to boycotts of its business in Britain.

The bank re-entered South Africa in 1995 in corporate and investment banking but, before the Absa deal, had no retail presence in the country.

Elsewhere in Africa, Barclays has operations in Botswana, Egypt, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

It had 1,5 million Africa customer accounts at the end of June 2004.

Barclays' origins date back to 1694 and it took its current form when it was formed from a merger of banks in east England in 1896.

It launched Europe's first credit card in 1966 and opened the world's first cash machine in 1967.

Barclays has said the Absa deal, which it will fund out of existing resources, will reduce its Tier 1 capital ratio by around 60 basis points from 7,6 per cent.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16594355 (041201ZJUL22) Notable: Barclays and South Africa” 1975 – Anglo American, Oppenheimers, SWAPO, ANC, etc (Parts 1-4)

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>>121018

“Barclays and South Africa” 1975 – Anglo American, Oppenheimers, SWAPO, ANC, etc. Part 1

https://psimg.jstor.org/fsi/img/pdf/t0/10.5555/al.sff.document.aam00018_final.pdf

Below are excerpts from the 25 page document.

The history of Barclays' involvement in South Africa dates back fifty years to the establishment of Barclays OCO (Dominion, Colonial and Overseas) in 1925. The first Chairman of DCO, 'believing as he did in the future of the British empire and in the inherent superiority of our banking system,' merged three banks to form a powerful bank with branches over much of Britain's far-flung empire.1 One of the three components of Barclays DCO was the National Bank of South Africa. This was established back in 1890 and grew rapidly during the early years of this century by acquiring and merging with a number of other banks. At the time when the National was purchased by Barclays DCO it already had a network of 321 offices and it was, after the British-owned Standard Bank, the second largest bank in South Africa. DCO appointed a local board in South Africa and this basic structure was retained for almost 45 years. Then in October 1971 Barclays' interests in South Africa were hived off and a locally incorporated company was established in Johannesburg. It was named Barclays National, recalling the name of the original South African bank which had been one of the three original constituents of Barclays DCO.

At the same time Barclays DCO – renamed Barclays International became a wholly-owned subsidiary of Barclays Bank (previously Barclays Bank had held only 65% of Barclays OCO shares). Barclays National, which operates in South Africa, was initially a wholly-owned subsidiary of Barclays International. But in March 1973 five million shares in Barclays National were sold on the Johannesburg stock exchange and this reduced Barclays International's stake to 85%. Two years later Barclays National acquired the Western Bank and, when shareholders in Western were given Barclays National stock, Barclays International's share in its South African subsidiary fell to 64%. A majority of the shares in the Western Bank were held by the AngloAmerican Corporation and Barclays' take-over in March 1975, speculated the Daily Telegraph, 'will give Barclays close ties with the vast AngloAmerican Corporation empire (and more say for Anglo in the financial scene).'2 AngloAmerican, despite its name, is a South African firm and its chairman, Harry Oppenheimer, is the country's leading business tycoon. The company, with investments of over £850 million, is the largest single employer in the private sector and dominates the mining industry in South Africa. The exploitation of black labour surely reaches its peak in the mines where African workers, often migrants living in closed camps, receive average wages which are one-twentieth of those paid to white miners.

Even before the Western Bank was acquired, there had been a long history of ties between Barclays and Anglo. 'The resources of the Oppenheimer group of companies, though very large, were not inexhaustible,' pointed out the official history of Barclays DCO, and since 'they were already under heavy strain' during the 1920's,large credits were arranged by Barclays.3 Sir Ernest Oppenheimer, Anglo's founder, had been a director of Barclays DCO from 1929 to 1949 and the following year his place on the OCO board was taken by his son, Harry Oppenheimer, who remains a director of Barclays International to this day. Sidney Spiro, Chairman of Charter Consolidated (Anglo's overseas arm), also sits on the Barclays International board. Anglo purchased a small share in Barclays National in 1973 and immediately afterwards J. Ogilvie Thompson, an executive director of Anglo, was appointed a director of the bank. The company is now Barclays National's largest customer. Barclays, as bankers,and Anglo, as industrialists, are giants in their respective fields and work hand in hand. Barclays' decision to establish a separate subsidiary in South Africa, and subsequently to offer a proportion of its shares to South African stockholders, was in line with the proposals of the Franzsen Commission. This official South African commission, whose recommendations were accepted in 1970, proposed that foreign banks operating in South Africa should reduce their shareholdings to 50% within ten years. Barclays International's holding in its South African subsidiary will probably be reduced within the next few years, most likely by the issuing of additional shares, so that 50% ownership should be reached by the early 1980's.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16594361 (041202ZJUL22) Notable: Barclays and South Africa” 1975 – Anglo American, Oppenheimers, SWAPO, ANC, etc (Parts 1-4)

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“Barclays and South Africa” 1975 – Anglo American, Oppenheimers, SWAPO, ANC, etc. Part 2

https://psimg.jstor.org/fsi/img/pdf/t0/10.5555/al.sff.document.aam00018_final.pdf

Two important points should be noted. First, Barclays International has a controlling interest in Barclays National and it hopes - if permitted - to retain a majority shareholding. This means that Barclays' head office in London still has ultimate responsibility for the operations of its South African subsidiary. Secondly, Barclays International's stake in South Africa has in no way been reduced by issuing additional shares. Rather Barclays National has been expanded, while the parent bank has retained its existing level of investment.

Barclays has to accept the apartheid system in dealing with both its employees and its customers. Barclays is now the largest bank in South Africa, followed by the Standard, and together the two British companies control over half of South Africa's banking deposits. Barclays CDO also held a 13% stake (worth £2.3 million) in the Standard Bank until it was sold in 1970.

Barclays'backing of the South African government's policy of separate development can be seen in their attitude towards the recent establishment of the African bank. Barclays is participating in the African Bank by subscribing 6% of the capital and seconding one of its most experienced men (Mark Tapping) to train African personnel. Barclays is proud of its association with the project and Anthony Tuke, Chairman of the Group, described it as 'an essential step towards the achievement in the economic sphere by Africans of a true independence.'4 But the result is a logical extension of the apartheid system: a bank for Africans, perhaps eventually to become African-run, which will be an integral part of a system that will leave the blacks firmly under white domination.

During the late 1960's, the mighty Cabora Bassa dam became a symbol of Portugese colonialism [in Mozambique]… During 1969 it became known that Barclays OCO was involved in Cabora Bassa. A subsidiary of the Anglo-American Corporation won a sub-contract on the project, for the construction of a road network at the site, and overdraft facilities to the tune of £1.2 million were provided by Barclays.

Barclays International operates in Rhodesia, with a network of more than eighty offices, and the bank is the second largest after the Standard. Shortly after Ian Smith's proclamation of UDI, on 11 November 1965, the United Nations imposed economic sanctions against the rebel regime. Since then Barclays has played a major role in arranging for the transfer of funds between Rhodesia and the outside world and they helped ensure that sanctions failed to bring down the Rhodesian regime.

Even more serious is the fact that Barclays National arranges the transfer of funds between South Africa and Rhodesia from Johannesburg. The Chairman of the Barclays Group, when asked about these transactions at the 1975 AGM, was for once visibly flustered and was forced to admit that these transfers were taking place. Since Barclays National is a subsidiary of Barclays International, and hence under the ultimate authority of the London office, there seems no excuse for allowing sanctions-busting transfers to take place through South Africa. The nature of Barclays' potential control over transfers between Johannesburg and Salisbury can be seen from the role of one of the leading figures in the Barclays Group. Arthur Aiken has been Vice-Chairman of Barclays International from 1950 up to 1975 and hence in close contact with the bank's London office. His relationship with the bank was clearly explained by Lord Seebohm: 'He is in no doubt whatever of our views and his views have always coincided with ours.'13 Aiken also sits on the Rhodesian board of Barclays International. But, the bank argues, he is a South African citizen and consequently is not breaking the law by being a director of a section of a company engaged in sanctions busting. Then why has Barclays International - A British Bank - been willing to employ him in such a senior capacity?Not only is Aiken involved on the Rhodesian side, but he was - until his retirement in 1975 Chairman of Barclays National in South Africa and he had headed the bank's operations there for twenty-five years.

Barclays International is therefore aware that funds are being transferred between Salisbury and Johannesburg and no attempts appear to have been made to bring this traffic to an end. Yet Barclays in London continues to profit from the activities of its South African subsidiary, which is involved in these transfers, and if a constitutional settlement is reached the profits of Barclays' operations in Rhodesia that have accumulated over the last decade (which are blocked at present) will presumably be forwarded to London. Barclays' management in Britain are acquiescing in - and profiting from the breaking of sanctions.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16594369 (041203ZJUL22) Notable: Barclays and South Africa” 1975 – Anglo American, Oppenheimers, SWAPO, ANC, etc (Parts 1-4)

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“Barclays and South Africa” 1975 – Anglo American, Oppenheimers, SWAPO, ANC, etc. Part 3

https://psimg.jstor.org/fsi/img/pdf/t0/10.5555/al.sff.document.aam00018_final.pdf

Barclays National's operations extend to Namibia, where the bank has 22 branches and 90 agencies, and the company therefore recognizes the illegal South African administration which has de facto control over the territory. Yet all the main UN organs - including the General Assembly, the Security Council, and the International Court of Justice have declared that South Africa's occupation of Namibia (formerly known as South West Africa) is illegal.

Recent developments concerning Namibia – including international pressures for Namibian independence and the growth in the strength of the South West African People's Organisation (SWAPO) have caused a certain degree of panic among bank depositors.

SWAPO DENOUNCES BARCLAYS' OPERATIONS IN NAMIBIA

SWAPO regards Barclays Bank as one of the foreign investors in our country whose effect is to shore up the illegal South African occupation of Namibia. The presence of Barclays Bank in our country gives respectability to South Africa's illegal administration.

The relationship of Barclays Bank with other foreign enterprises investing in Namibia facilitates their operations, the transfer of their profits, and the payment of taxes to the South African regime. This involves Barclays Bank directly with the military occupation of Namibia by South Africa.

The independence of Mozambique and Angola, as well as the increasingly embarrassing burden of supporting the rebel regime in Rhodesia, have proved to be major setbacks to this policy. But Barclays' promotion of economic links between South Africa and its neighbours, particularly Rhodesia and Namibia, shows once again that the bank even if not deliberately -is supporting the political and economic interests of the South African establishment.

Barclays has been active in promoting economic links such as migration - between Britain and South Africa. In 1971 Barclays DCO in London published a glossy 88 page booklet on Emigrating to South Africa which was officially distributed bg the South African embassy in London to enquirers who wrote up for information on employment opportunities in South Africa.

Barclays has also been a member of the United kingdom-South Africa Trade Association (UKSATA) since the organisation's establishment ten years ago. Britain is South Africa's largest trading partner, with the twoway trade amounting to £1190 million in 1974. Barclays is encouraging an expansion of these links at a time when the South African liberation movements have called for an economic boycott of the apartheid regime.

Barclays is a global concern, operating in seventy nations around the world

Barclays stepped onto the liberal bandwagon when it proudly proclaimed that it was raising the wages of its African employees. But the company only employs a relatively small number of black workers because of the nature of the banking business in South Africa, and in 1973 the bank had 1621 black employees

The role of institutions such as Barclays must now be evaluated in the context of the new and changing situation in the whole of Southern Africa… Their claims of introducing 'reforms' and of helping to change the conditions from within have proved to be false.

In this context the African National Congress strongly condemns the involvement of Barclays in South Africa and demands their immediate withdrawal. We demand that Barclays ceases in their super exploitation and the resulting misery of our people.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16594373 (041204ZJUL22) Notable: Barclays and South Africa” 1975 – Anglo American, Oppenheimers, SWAPO, ANC, etc (Parts 1-4)

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“Barclays and South Africa” 1975 – Anglo American, Oppenheimers, SWAPO, ANC, etc. Part 4

https://psimg.jstor.org/fsi/img/pdf/t0/10.5555/al.sff.document.aam00018_final.pdf

The two South African liberation movements - - the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) have both called for the withdrawal of Western investment in South Africa on the grounds that its presence helps to prop up apartheid. Barclays' 'claims of introducing reforms and of helping to change conditions from within have proved to be false,' ANC representative Reg September has stated, and 'companies like Barclays are playing a predominant role in creating and sustaining the institutions of apartheid.

Barclays is only one of five hundred major British firms operating in South Africa

'How profitable is the South African connection?,asked The Banker. The magazine went on to explain that for political reasons Barclays was reluctant to divulge details of the profitability of its South African subsidiary. 35 But Barclays 'appears to earn relatively higher profits from its South African operation than from other areas,' concluded The Banker. The rate of return on shareholders' capital reached the massive figure of 28% in South Africa,compared with 19% on Barclays Intemational's operations in the rest of the world. 'It is no secret that UK profits will be down this year,' Chairman Tuke pointed out in mid 1975, 'though the international side will go some way to redress the balance.'36 And on the international side it is South Africa which generates a good part of the profits. Capital tends to flow to those areas where profits are highest and South Africa - at least in the short term gives one of the highest returns anywhere in the world. Profits speak louder than protestors, and hence Barclays is unlikely to give serious consideration to withdrawing from South Africa. Like a number of other 'liberal' British companies, Barclays argues that it intends to remain in South Africa and work towards the elimination of apartheid from within.

Barclays promotion of economic links between Britain and South Africa including migration, trade and investment - is increasing the British stake in apartheid.

Barclays' claim that it is helping to reform apartheid is a fraud, a smokescreen to hide behind while it makes huge profits.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16594383 (041205ZJUL22) Notable: Rothschild and Barclays – a few related articles

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Rothschild and Barclays – a few related articles

“Rothschild Banker Goes to Barclays”

https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB125235866466890667

September 8, 2009

Barclays Capital has hired NM Rothschild & Sons Ltd.'s global co-head of financial institutions, Stefano Marsaglia, as chairman of its world-wide financial-institutions group, a signal of Barclays PLC's investment banking arm's global ambitions.

Mr. Marsaglia worked for Rothschild for 17 years and is to help expand BarCap’s growing advisory business, having advised several of Europe’s largest banks, including Banco Santander SA, Intesa Sanpaolo SpA and UniCredit SpA.

“Rothschild Investment Banker Doran Joins Barclays in Aerospace and Defense Group”

https://www.barrons.com/articles/rothschild-banker-kieran-doran-joins-barclays-51597792158

August 18, 2020

Kieran Doran, an investment banker with nearly 20 years experience in the defense sector, has left Rothschild & Co to join Barclays.

Barclays (Ticker: BCS) said Tuesday that Doran was named a managing director in aerospace and defense investment banking. He is based in New York and reports to John Lange, global head of industrials and power & utilities banking at Barclays, according to a statement.

“Barclays picks Rothschild veteran Nigel Higgins as next chairman”

https://www.reuters.com/article/us-barclays-chairman-idUSKCN1N65UP

November 1, 2018

(Reuters) - Barclays Plc BARC.L said on Thursday that Nigel Higgins, the deputy chairman of Rothschild & Co ROTH.PA, would succeed John McFarlane as chairman on May 2 next year when he retires after serving his four-year term.

Higgins will join the Barclays Board as a Non-Executive Director on March 1, 2019 and take over as chairman in May after the AGM, the bank said in a statement.

Barclays said in its statement Higgins has extensive experience of banking and financial services, gained through a 36-year career at Rothschild.

“Rothschild hires Barclays Wealth director”

https://citywire.com/wealth-manager/news/rothschild-hires-barclays-wealth-director/a934095

19 July 2016

Rothschild Wealth Management (WM) has hired Barclays Wealth director Marcus Baker.

Baker joins the firm as a director, providing wealth management and structured advice to high net-worth clients in its London office.

Baker draws on 10 years spent as a private banker with Barclays W&I.

“Barclays Appoints Philipp Gillmann as Head of Logistics Banking EMEA”

https://home.barclays/news/press-releases/2020/08/barclays-appoints-philipp-gillmann-as-head-of-logistics-banking-/

20 August 2020

Barclays Investment Bank today announces the appointment of Philipp Gillmann as a Managing Director and Head of Logistics Banking EMEA (Europe, the Middle East and Africa).

Mr. Gillmann joins Barclays from Rothschild & Co where he spent more than 13 years, most recently as a Managing Director in the Global Advisory Group leading coverage of the logistics sector globally, as well as the business services sector in the DACH region.

“Rothschilds hires from Barclays for Leeds office launch”

https://citywire.com/wealth-manager/news/rothschilds-hires-from-barclays-for-leeds-office-launch/a2378827

7 February 2022

Rothschild & Co has appointed Alison Probert as a director of its UK wealth management business to head the launch of a new regional office in Leeds.

Probert joins from Barclays Wealth where she spent 11 years working across the north of England, most recently in Leeds and the surrounding Yorkshire area.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16595903 (041636ZJUL22) Notable: “Rethink Free State power cuts: DA” – 2013

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“Rethink Free State power cuts: DA” – 2013

https://www.enca.com/south-africa/re-think-fs-power-cuts-da

30 September 2013

BLOEMFONTEIN - The Democratic Alliance has urged state power utility Eskom to reconsider the planned disconnection of bulk electricity supply to two Free State municipalities.

Free State DA leader Patricia Kopane said on Monday that premier Ace Magashule and Eskom should immediately take steps to prevent cutting electricity to paying consumers.

"Free State premier Ace Magashule established a committee in September 2010 to address the non-payment of municipal accounts," she said.

Eskom was a member of this committee.

Last week Eskom published a notice that it was planning to disconnect electricity to the Maluti-A-Phofung municipality, which failed to settle a bill of more than R205-million.

Some of the money was outstanding for more than 90 days.

Eskom plans to disconnect power to the municipality on December 4.

Towns and municipal areas affected would be Harrismith, QwaQwa, Kestell, Tshiame, Phuthaditjhaba, Tsheseng, and Witsieshoek.

A similar notice was published for the Ngwathe municipality, which apparently owed more than R188-million.

Towns and areas which would be affected by this notice were Edenville, Heilbron, Koppies, Parys, Phiritona, and Vredefort.

Eskom wants submissions on why it should not cut the power to Maluti-A-Phofung and Ngwathe respectively on November 6 and November 8.

Kopane said due to the urgency of the matte, Magashule and Eskom should attend to the issue without delay.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16595941 (041643ZJUL22) Notable: Eskom loses court battle over 22-hour power cuts – “the municipalities have failed to honour their payment obligations to Eskom for years” (Part 1 & 2)

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>>121025

>A similar notice was published for the Ngwathe municipality, which apparently owed more than R188-million.

Government never addressed the theft in municipalities.

“Eskom loses court battle over 22-hour power cuts” – “the municipalities have failed to honour their payment obligations to Eskom for years” - 2022 (1 of 2)

https://mybroadband.co.za/news/energy/431224-eskom-loses-court-battle-over-22-hour-power-cuts.html

24 January 2022

Eskom has lost an appeal in the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) against a ruling in favour of two community associations that it must immediately restore full maximum electricity supply to residents.

The Vaal River Development Association, representing communities in Parys and Vredefort in the Ngwathe municipality, and Lekwa Ratepayers’ Association NPC, representing residents of Standerton, Sakhile, Meyerville and surrounds in the Lekwa Municipality, obtained the interim interdict in the Pretoria High Court last year.

This was ahead of a pending application to review Eskom’s decision to reduce supply because the municipalities were over-using power and collectively owed it more than R2 billion.

In the interdict applications, which were argued in Pretoria before acting Judge Anthony Millar, the associations said their members were paying consumers of pre-paid electricity.

Eskom’s decision to reduce electricity supply, had resulted in an “unfolding human and environmental catastrophe” including a massive impact on sewage reticulation systems, with effects on business, government departments, old age homes, hospitals and private citizens.

Eskom opposed that application. It justified the load reduction using its “Notified Maximum Demand” (NMD) agreements with the two local authorities, which peg the amount of electricity to be supplied and set punitive tariffs should that supply be exceeded.

Judge Millar, in his ruling, said there had been no increases in the NMD for both areas in more than a decade, but Eskom had been supplying excess electricity to both for some period of time. More recently Eskom had “strictly enforced” the agreements, resulting in reduced supply.

He said both municipalities had now incurred considerable debt through penalties.

While the right to electricity was not specifically provided for in the Bill of Rights, the right to dignity, life and housing were, and “the supply of electricity is inextricably intertwined with at least these three rights”.

He granted the interdicts and Eskom appealed to the Supreme Court of Appeal.

In a ruling handed down on Friday, acting Judge Pieter Meyer, writing for the court, said the NMD agreements were “historic, outdated and inadequate”.

“Their actual consumption of and need for electricity far exceeds the NMD supply levels,” he said.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16595947 (041644ZJUL22) Notable: Eskom loses court battle over 22-hour power cuts – “the municipalities have failed to honour their payment obligations to Eskom for years” (Part 1 & 2)

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>>121026

“Eskom loses court battle over 22-hour power cuts” – “the municipalities have failed to honour their payment obligations to Eskom for years” - 2022 (2 of 2)

https://mybroadband.co.za/news/energy/431224-eskom-loses-court-battle-over-22-hour-power-cuts.html

24 January 2022

“Delinquent” municipalities

“The two municipalities can aptly be described as dysfunctional and delinquent.

The residents involved in this litigation are all paying consumers of prepaid electricity.

However, the municipalities have failed to honour their payment obligations to Eskom for years,” Judge Meyer said, noting that as at June 2020, each municipality owed more than R1 billion and they were “indisputably in breach” of their agreements with Eskom.

Nevertheless, he said, Eskom had not previously limited electricity supply, but instead had raised penalties and refused to increase NMD levels. In July 2020, it implemented a decision to reduce supply, resulting in rotational load shedding, on top of national load shedding.

As a result, Parys had sometimes experienced load shedding for more than 22 hours a day.

Judge Meyer said each of the affected towns experienced “socio-economic and humanitarian consequences that adversely impacted the health and well-being of individuals within their jurisdictions”.

Hospitals could not function, essential services were paralysed. Taps ran dry and bulk water users, such as the poultry industry and abattoirs, shut down. Sewage spilled into the streets and into the Vaal River.

Referring to case law, Judge Meyer said the relationship between Eskom and the municipalities fell within the provisions of the Intergovernmental Relations Framework Act (IRFA), which provided that they were required to make reasonable efforts, in good faith, to settle intergovernmental disputes.

But this had not been done, apparently because Eskom was not prepared to wait for that process to unfold.

“Eskom, therefore, was not constitutionally and statutorily permitted to unilaterally reduce the bulk electricity supply without … first making every reasonable effort to settle the intergovernmental dispute.

“Had this been followed, it may well have resulted in the intervention of both provincial and national levels of government, without which the Ngwake and Lekwa municipality are unlikely to turn their fortunes around on their own.”

Instead, Judge Meyer said, Eskom had rendered the two municipalities unable to fulfill their constitutional obligations to their citizens, resulting in the unfolding catastrophe.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16603573 (051701ZJUL22) Notable: The Tswalu Protocol: Principles and Guidelines for Peace-Building Missions (Parts 1-6)

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>>121028

>“Businesses Owned By Nicholas F. Oppenheimer” – Tswalu Kalahari Reserve, Fireblade Aviation, Brenthurst Foundation

“The Tswalu Protocol: Principles and Guidelines for Peace-Building Missions” Part 1

https://www.kas.de/c/document_library/get_file?uuid=e6075b4a-1ca6-89c4-3e39-53a5449ebcdd&groupId=252038

January 2008

The Tswalu Process generating this Protocol comprised two formal meetings: on Lake Kivu in Rwanda, 21–22 July 2007; at Tswalu Kalahari Reserve, 29 November–1 December 2007. A list of participants is to be found at the end of this document. A comprehensive ‘peace-building dialogue’ was also extended through a wide range of external consultations on the formal papers and this Protocol. The Process was convened by The Brenthurst Foundation (www.thebrenthurstfoundation.org) in collaboration with the Danish International Development Agency (Danida).

1. INTRODUCTION AND AIM

The Tswalu Protocol articulates a consensus derived from the experience of a group of civilian and military professionals, academics, individual organisations, government departments and heads of state who have been at the epicentre of peacekeeping and peacebuilding missions. It is intended as a guide for the leaders of future international interventions.

The Tswalu Protocol recognises the ad hoc nature of international responses to armed conflict and state failure. Instead of simply calling for more co-ordination, it offers a set of principles and guidelines that future peace-builders can use to help offset the inherent limitations of any multilateral operation.

2. WHAT IS PEACE-BUILDING?

There are two contrasting views on what ‘peace-building’ is. The United Nations defines peacebuilding as efforts at capacity building, reconciliation and societal transformation. Peacebuilding, in this view, is a long-term process that occurs after violent conflict has slowed or stopped.

The United Kingdom Ministry of Defence describes peace-building as political, economic, social and military measures designed to strengthen political settlements, in order to redress the causes of conflict. In this view, peace-building may take place while the conflict is still ongoing, as in Afghanistan, the experience that provided the impetus for the Tswalu Protocol.

The Tswalu Protocol embraces the broader definition of peace-building enshrined in the UK Ministry of Defence approach, understanding that peace-building efforts must sometimes be undertaken before conflict has ended. Peace-building is thus synonymous with ‘stabilization’, the aim being to support countries emerging from conflict by preventing or reducing violence, protecting people and key institutions, promoting political processes which lead to greater stability, and preparing for longer-term, non-violent politics and development.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16603578 (051701ZJUL22) Notable: The Tswalu Protocol: Principles and Guidelines for Peace-Building Missions (Parts 1-6)

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>>121029

“The Tswalu Protocol: Principles and Guidelines for Peace-Building Missions” Part 2

https://www.kas.de/c/document_library/get_file?uuid=e6075b4a-1ca6-89c4-3e39-53a5449ebcdd&groupId=252038

January 2008

3. WHY WE NEED A COMMON APPROACH

In the past 15 years, peace-building interventions have fallen short in part because they lack the following characteristics:

- Security: Some local forces oppose the peace-building process, the host government, and international actors. This is sometimes referred to as the ‘spoiler’ problem.

- Strategic Planning: External actors fail to identify an agreed end-state that provides a common purpose for their joint intervention.

- Directing Authority: There is no recognized authority that can direct the various independent organizations that compose the international effort.

- Cultural Education and Awareness: Foreign personnel lack sufficient knowledge of the host culture.

- Local Capacity: Donors are constrained by the absence of national professionals capable of executing complex public-sector projects.

- Tolerance of Risk: The international intervention is too slow to genuinely empower local partners due to lack of trust and fear of failure.

- Funding: External funding can undermine peace settlements when not used systematically and with due consideration of the political consequences. While the host government’s financial accountability procedures are often inadequate, funding mechanisms can be slow, unpredictable and temporary, making sustainability an issue. External funding can also be guided by reporting mechanisms, auditing and budgetary cycle requirements rather than host country needs.

- Jobs and Basic Services: Programs for job-creation and basic services, both crucial to consolidate peace, do not receive high priority, and rarely generate adequate results.

4. PRINCIPLES

The following principles should govern every sector of the international response. Failure to adhere to a key principle has jeopardised the success of previous missions:

- Local Legitimacy: However peace is secured in the short-term, if the host government cannot win the people to its cause, the peace-building campaign ultimately will fail.

- Coherence of Effort: Operational coherence in peace-building demands prioritisation and agreement at the strategic and operational level. Prioritisation across the different sectors of the operation requires structures for co-ordination, and the subsuming of national/organisational interests to the needs of the host state. Securing broad agreement on these structures before deployment is critical. In principle, strategic coherence and coordination is the purview of the host government, but in cases where transitional governments are weak, co-ordination will require external frameworks as well. Agreement on broad strategic objectives and co-ordination mechanisms must not over-reach and place unnecessary constraints on the autonomy of international aid agencies.

- Accountability: All actors involved in the peace-building process must submit to enforceable regulatory structures – preferably overseen by local authorities in partnership with international partners – to ensure transparency and accountability. This includes all international organisations and forces, private security companies, NGOs, as well as local agencies.

- _Pragmatism: Success requires an understanding of what is realistically attainable. The factors which should inform a realistic assessment include the threats to the security of the process, local capacity, the cohesion of the response, the level of international political will and resources, and the local political culture and history.

- Impartial Communications: Trustworthy and impartial communication from the peacebuilding effort is essential to win the trust and support of the host populations.

- Role of Women: Women, as a particularly vulnerable group which suffers disproportionately from conflict, are a key peace-building and conflict mitigation asset.

- A Common Purpose: The external actors and the local government require a common understanding of the host country’s needs and the long-term purpose of the international initiative before prescriptions are devised.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16603583 (051702ZJUL22) Notable: The Tswalu Protocol: Principles and Guidelines for Peace-Building Missions (Parts 1-6)

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>>121029

>>121030

“The Tswalu Protocol: Principles and Guidelines for Peace-Building Missions” Part 3

https://www.kas.de/c/document_library/get_file?uuid=e6075b4a-1ca6-89c4-3e39-53a5449ebcdd&groupId=252038

January 2008

5. JOINT PRIORITISATION OF TASKS

Successful peace-building requires the restoration of a functioning state by focusing on security, development, and governance. These three missions are essential to every peacebuilding effort and should usually be tackled in the following order of priority:

- SECURITY: This is the primary goal of any peace-building strategy. Security includes general public safety, as well as national and international security. The intervention force needs to seize the advantages afforded by the ‘golden hour’ – the period immediately following the end of major hostilities – to establish a secure environment. The peace-building actions that follow must be conducted within the context of a stabilisation plan, integrating foreign and local efforts. The joint military forces must operate according to an agreed common doctrine (ideally determined before the commencement of operations). These forces must have the training and resources to tackle post-conflict security challenges, such as refugee flows, and to carry-out quick-impact public works projects. Priority should be given to the rapid establishment of indigenous security and border control forces in order to deny ‘spoilers’ freedom of movement. This process must include early and adequate provision for the disarmament, demobilisation and social and economic reintegration of former combatants. [It did not turn out well for South Africa.]

- DEVELOPMENT: Security and development are mutually reinforcing. The urgency is this: More than half of post-civil war countries slide back to war within five years. The lessons of success and failure in post-conflict countries consistently point to the need to stimulate entrepreneurial activity and create employment, especially for demobilised soldiers. Higher rates of economic growth decisively improve the chances of success in peace-building. To achieve a virtuous cycle of growth, stability and development, the strategy must prioritize the conditions that make entrepreneurship possible, including reducing the costs of doing business, promoting the rule of law, protecting property rights, stabilising the currency and ensuring the predictability of tax and regulatory policy. The peace-building effort must ensure that key ministries function, if necessary by embedding technical and administrative support personnel. Development and aid benchmarks should be set and adhered to, ranging from published expenditure run-downs to targets for the ratio of aid to gross domestic product. The barriers to doing business should be identified and tackled. Public works programmes can both reduce unemployment and deny manpower to spoilers. Even where there is embedded expertise, foreign visibility should be kept as low as possible, and rules (conditionality) kept to a core, non-negotiable minimum. Care should be taken not to shape policies according to the institutional prejudices and culture of external actors. Equally critical for development over the long-term will be the swift restoration of education services, which serve a vital peace-building function in developing a shared narrative and history or in some cases re-building collective national identities shattered by war.

- GOVERNANCE: External actions – co-ordinated by a single, in-country authority – should be aimed at improving the capabilities and legitimacy of local partners. Actions should be targeted at vital areas such as the civil service and the election commission. Such programmes should be supported by a robust communications strategy. It is essential to create mechanisms to capture local voices and assimilate what external actors learn from local coping strategies. Over time, donor support for local media must give way to private media, lest the support corrode the credibility of local outlets. Given the role of the international media in determining the success or failure of missions, there should be a determination of what external messages could best build public support in contributing countries. Information operations and messaging should be proactive, consistent and coordinated at the highest level. Internally, the promotion of inclusive political representation and government legitimacy should underpin all communications.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16603605 (051706ZJUL22) Notable: The Tswalu Protocol: Principles and Guidelines for Peace-Building Missions (Parts 1-6)

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>>121029

>>121030

>>121031

“The Tswalu Protocol: Principles and Guidelines for Peace-Building Missions” Part 4

https://www.kas.de/c/document_library/get_file?uuid=e6075b4a-1ca6-89c4-3e39-53a5449ebcdd&groupId=252038

January 2008

6. IMPLEMENTING TASKS AND MAINTAINING COHESION

In most peace-building operations, the international consensus will break down on certain issues. Tensions will arise between the prioritisation and implementation of tasks. Only some of these tensions will be reconcilable. (UN Security Council Resolutions and related instructions seldom offer direction on these issues.) No guide to peace-building can provide ready-made solutions to the full range of dilemmas that might arise on the ground. As ever, actions must be informed by an accurate understanding of local culture, politics, and conflict dynamics. The international response must be agile and adaptable – but also ensure that its actions do not violate core principles or deviate from the agreed peace-building plan to an extent which jeopardises the mission.

The Tswalu Protocol serves as a guide for decision-makers when circumstances present ‘hard choices’ such as these, drawn from recent peace-building experience:

- State-building versus reconciliation. The revival of the state is often thought to be synonymous with reconciliation, but in fact state-building by its nature often produces competition and conflict. It shapes the fundamental question ‘who rules?’ and determines who controls the assets of the state. Circumstances will dictate whether, for instance, elections ought to be held early or postponed in the interest of maintaining peace. Yet even in the latter case, it is important to recognise that the process of managing political conflict over key issues can be constructive and effect wider reconciliation.

- Working with versus working around the state. Peace-building operations almost always have a mandate to build state capacity. But sometimes state authorities are obstructionist or lacking competence. In the short-term, peace-builders may have to choose to work around rather than through state authorities, even at the cost of weakening the very institutions they are tasked with rebuilding. But if the necessity to ‘work around’ is due to government malfeasance, the continued viability of the peace-building mission should be exposed to rigorous internal scrutiny and, in extremis, abandoned if the government ceases to be a partner.

- State versus non-state authorities. There is often no government presence in remote regions of failed states. International actors are thus compelled to work with whoever constitutes ‘the authority’ (e.g., traditional elders, local militia leaders, self-declared mayors or governors, clerics, and so on). Although careful assessment and local knowledge are essential to decide among competing claims, even well-reasoned choices will sometimes provoke local conflict.

- Constitutions/formal rule of law versus customary law. Formal judiciary and police functions in many post-conflict states – especially poor ones – are usually weak. In these instances, local communities rely principally on customary or religious law (such as sharia) and a variety of extra-constitutional means of policing and maintaining public order. External actors face difficult choices about whether to recognise and work with these informal systems, or to insist on formal judicial and police systems. This is especially challenging for ‘rule of law’ projects. To work only with formal structures risks overlooking systems that actually work; to abandon formal security structures risks adversely affecting governance and development. That external peace-builders are increasingly seeking ways to forge partnerships between weak state structures and informal governance arrangements, such as through community policing projects, reflects the primacy of the core principle of genuine local empowerment.

- Non-discriminatory awarding of contracts versus proportional allocation by social grouping. Awarding of contracts by peace-builders – for employment, rent, procurement and construction – is a major source of revenue and can trigger conflict. External actors must often choose between contract systems based purely on merit versus local insistence on rotation of contracts by ethnic group or another criterion. Although the latter may help to keep peace by giving each group its ‘turn’, it undercuts the principle of merit. It may also make peace-building missions more expensive. Nevertheless, the better of two poor options is to ameliorate the more pernicious effects of local systems, rather than impose unwanted foreign structures that are likely to be resented and ultimately rejected.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16603609 (051706ZJUL22) Notable: The Tswalu Protocol: Principles and Guidelines for Peace-Building Missions (Parts 1-6)

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“The Tswalu Protocol: Principles and Guidelines for Peace-Building Missions” Part 5

https://www.kas.de/c/document_library/get_file?uuid=e6075b4a-1ca6-89c4-3e39-53a5449ebcdd&groupId=252038

January 2008

- Peace versus justice. Demands for the arrest of individuals suspected of war crimes – whether by local communities or international human rights groups – can collide with the need to prevent spoilers from inciting violence. Virtually every peace-building mission encounters the ‘peace versus justice’ trade-off. Insofar as international political will allows, decisions should be guided by the wishes of national authorities and their populations, not by external actors.

- Local ownership versus effectiveness. The need to place ownership in the hands of local actors can collide with the imperative to get things done quickly. This problem is worsened by the increasing use of quantitative metrics to judge the performance of external peace-building activities.

- Civil society versus the state. A vibrant civil society is considered an important element of a strong democracy, and local civic groups (NGOs) are often the most effective partners for development projects. Yet the need to channel funds through state institutions to strengthen their capacity and legitimacy is also important. Too much aid through local NGOs can undermine nascent state institutions, for example by luring away the best public servants. Peace-builders must make informed choices about balancing its partnerships with both sets of actors.

7. TEN STEPS TOWARDS OPERATIONAL COHERENCE

The Tswalu Protocol identifies ten measures for improving the effectiveness of peacebuilding interventions.

1. Campaign Plan: To manage the peace-building process, a ‘campaign plan’ owned and led by the local government, to which the military and other international organisations contribute, should be devised in the earliest phases of the intervention to create a co-ordinated and sequenced focus of effort.

2. Establishing Coherence: A top-level, government-led committee – a Stabilisation Action Team (SAT), along the lines of the Policy Action Group (PAG) established in Afghanistan (essentially a ‘development war cabinet’) – should be created at the outset of the mission to co-ordinate international and local programs on governance, development and security.

3. Lead Nations: The host government is the lead nation. However, it is vulnerable to being overwhelmed both by local demands and external offers of assistance. Where this is threatened, external nations can be tasked in special security and development areas, but care must be taken to ensure they remain answerable to the host nation and do not operate independently.

4. Building Capacity: Local empowerment should begin as soon as possible. There needs to be clarity on what technocratic and managerial capacity is lacking to understand what improvements and assistance are required. The emphasis must be on institutions rather than individuals.

5. Economic Assessment: A detailed audit of the local economy is a priority for the early days of a peace-building mission and will help in programming donor support. Peace-building must be based on a clear understanding of the competitive strengths and weaknesses of the economy including the drivers of growth and key exports.

6. Aid Focus and Priorities: Aid must be focused and its aims prioritised. Some things are more important than others. Attempting to do everything at once is a guarantee of failure. External funds should be targeted at areas where some conditions for economic success already exist – in other words, the existing market should be reinforced rather than re-engineered.

7. Create Employment: Attention must focus on bolstering employment and reducing the costs of doing business – from better policy to improved physical infrastructure. Public works programmes can assist in managing the groundswell of high expectations that are always present when a conflict ends. These expectations seldom subside, and indeed increase the more the government delivers.

8. Codes of Conduct: Private security companies are now an ever-present part of the peacebuilding environment. There needs to be a change of culture to accept, embrace and regulate their activities. Both PSCs and international NGOs could be regulated through codes of conduct. International law needs to be reviewed to encompass this new security landscape.

9. Information and Messaging: A strategic messaging campaign, which aims to deliver carefully sequenced messages to local, regional, and international audiences is essential.

10. Maintaining Momentum: The continuity of the external peace-building mission is crucial to maintaining momentum, which reassures the population. This requires longer rotations for senior military and non-military personnel.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16603617 (051708ZJUL22) Notable: The Tswalu Protocol: Principles and Guidelines for Peace-Building Missions (Parts 1-6)

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>>121029

>>121030

>>121031

>>121032

>>121033

“The Tswalu Protocol: Principles and Guidelines for Peace-Building Missions” Part 6

https://www.kas.de/c/document_library/get_file?uuid=e6075b4a-1ca6-89c4-3e39-53a5449ebcdd&groupId=252038

January 2008

TSWALU PROCESS PARTICIPANTS∗

Co-Chairs

Paul Kagame (HE), President of Rwanda***

Francisco Santos (HE), Vice-President of Colombia***

Ib Petersen (Hon.), State Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Denmark***

Carlton Fulford (General, USMC, rtd), US**

Panelists

Adam Cobb (Prof.), US Air Force Air War College, Maxwell AFB, Alabama, US*

Agostinho Zacarias (Dr), United Nations Development Program, Zimbabwe*

Andrew Stewart (Maj.-Gen. rtd), UK*

Ato Yemane Kidane (Mr), Centre for Policy Research and Dialogue, Ethiopia*

Brownie Samukai (Hon.), Defence Minister, Liberia*

Chris Vernon (Colonel), Deputy Commander: IMATT, Sierra Leone*

Christopher Coker (Prof.), London School of Economics, UK*

Danielle Pletka (Ms), American Enterprise Institute, US*

David Richards (Lt.-Gen. Sir), Commander: ISAF IX, Allied Rapid Reaction Corps, UK*

Dominic Medley (Mr), Moby Media Group, Afghanistan*

Dominique Orsini (Dr), Former UN & EU political adviser, Bosnia & Afghanistan*

Emmanuel Karake Karenzi (Maj.-Gen.), African Union Deputy Commander, Darfur**

Frank Mugambage (Maj.-Gen.), Office of the Presidency, Rwanda*

Frank Pearl (Hon.), Alta Consejería para la Reintegración, Presidencia, Colombia***

Frank Rusagara (Brig.-Gen.), Commandant: Military Academy, Rwanda

Jordan Ryan (Amb.), Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary General, Liberia*

Kelly Langdorf (Colonel), Office of the Secretary of Defence, US*

Kieran Prendergast (Sir), Former UN Under-Secretary-General, UK*

Larry Swantner (Colonel rtd), US

Montgomery McFate (Dr), Social Science Adviser: US Army Human Terrain System Program, US*

Patrick Mazimhaka (Hon.), Deputy Chair, African Union

Paul Wolfowitz (Hon.), American Enterprise Institute, US*

Peter Jouvenal (Mr), Gandamack Lodge, Afghanistan*

Rory Stewart (Mr), Turquoise Mountain Foundation, Afghanistan*

Shaha Ali Riza (Ms), World Bank, US*

Steve Stead (Rear-Admiral, rtd), Brenthurst Foundation, South Africa

Vance Serchuk (Mr), Office of Senator Lieberman, US*

Paper Writers

Alistair Harris (Mr), Pursue Group, Lebanon

Aziz Hakimi (Mr), Killid Group, Afghanistan**

Bill Byrd (Dr), World Bank, US

Chris Brown (Maj.-Gen.), Chief of Staff, ISAF IX; General Officer Commanding: Northern Ireland, UK

Chris Parker (Lt.-Col. rtd), Centre for Defence & International Security Studies (CDISS), UK

Dale Lautenbach (Ms), World Bank, US

Dickie Davis (Brig.-Gen.), Chief Engineer: ISAF IX; Assistant Chief Planner: Land, UK

Martin Edmonds (Prof.), CDISS, UK

Mauro De Lorenzo (Mr), American Enterprise Institute, US

Michelle Parker (Ms), RAND Corporation, US

Sean McFate (Mr), Bipartisan Policy Center, US

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16604004 (051803ZJUL22) Notable: Zambia’ downward slid into dictatorship” – Was Jonathan Oppenheimer & co in the process of planting their own ‘dictator’? (Parts 1 & 2)

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>>121035

“Zambia’ downward slid into dictatorship” – Was Jonathan Oppenheimer & co in the process of planting their own ‘dictator’? This sounds like a ‘campaign’ – Part 2

http://web.archive.org/web/20201027100757/https://www.zambiawatchdog.com/zambia-downward-slid-into-dictatorship/

[This article does not appear on their website anymore… only a dog; https://www.zambiawatchdog.com/zambia-downward-slid-into-dictatorship/]

28 July 2017

The case has the hallmarks of the apartheid security police stories – concocted charges, beatings, treason charges, a closing of the political space where people are afraid to criticise the government for fear of their physical security. [It is interesting that they want to compare it to Apartheid however there is much more police brutality in South Africa now than then… and the world is silent]

President Edgar Lungu suspended 48 MPs for boycotting his SONA. More concerning is the oppression, torture and detention without trial, says the writer. Picture: Frank Franklin II/AP

Since Lungu declared a State of Emergency on July 5, journalists say more than 500 members of the opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) have been detained without charge and 18 have been executed.

Mutinta Haabasune, a female online journalist, was allegedly detained on July 12 for 10 days for “insulting the president”, tortured and released only a week ago. She has written about her detention – the beatings, being denied food and clothing and being prevented from bathing. She says this has been the fate of hundreds in the clampdown on the UPND since the government declared the State of Emergency.

In a week where we have been reminded of the torture and gross abuses of human rights in John Vorster Square in the 1970s during the reopening of the Ahmed Timol inquest, we need to be cognisant that some of the same tactics are being used against the opposition in detention in Zambia.

Zambia’s ruling party has sought to paint Hichilema as an agent of foreign powers, which they have argued in an article posted on their Facebook page, suggesting that Hichilema was in cahoots with former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo and wealthy South African businessman Jonathan Oppenheimer to install him as president, given their business interests in the country. The article depicted Hichilema as being part of a secret alliance with Oppenheimer and Obasanjo which discussed involving foreign military intervention.

The narrative is laughable. The article refers to the secret meetings taking place in 2014 and last year at the Oppenheimer game reserve in the Kalahari, and were organised by the Brenthurst Foundation. The foundation hosts political think tank dialogues at the Tswalu Kalahari Reserve, and while Obasanjo and Hichilema participated in Brenthurst Foundation dialogues, so did former president Kgalema Motlanthe and numerous other South African government officials, and academics.

Zambian government officials had also been invited to attend, but according to foundation head Greg Mills, had declined the invitation.

There was nothing secretive about the meetings and there is no evidence to support such a conspiracy theory. [Of course, they have to use these words.]

Despite the Zambian High Commission being asked to produce evidence, it has refused to respond.

It will be one of the first tests of South Africa’s leadership of the SADC Organ as to whether it can effectively mobilise the region to pressure Lungu to restore the rule of law and political freedom in the southern African country.

Originally posted at >>>/qresearch/16604052 (051811ZJUL22) Notable: “Hakainde Hichilema: The Zambian 'cattle boy' who became president”

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>>121029

>>121036

>It will be one of the first tests of South Africa’s leadership of the SADC Organ as to whether it can effectively mobilise the region to pressure Lungu to restore the rule of law and political freedom in the southern African country.

And they succeeded to install their puppet.

>>120961 - It is interesting that Glencore sells Mopani mine back to the Zambian government the same year when Hakainde Hichilema becomes president and now Rothschilds & Co are reviewing it.

“Hakainde Hichilema: The Zambian 'cattle boy' who became president”

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-58229710

16 August 2021

It was a case of sixth time lucky for Hakainde Hichilema, who has finally become president of Zambia after five unsuccessful attempts.

Mr Hichilema, 59, has described himself as an ordinary "cattle boy", who herded his family's livestock in his youth before going on to become one of Zambia's richest men.

The president-elect and leader of the United Party for National Development (UPND) is widely referred to as HH. He was born into humble beginnings before managing to get a scholarship to the University of Zambia, and later graduated with an MBA degree from the University of Birmingham in the UK.

He went on to make a fortune in finance, property, ranching, healthcare and tourism.

He has used both aspects of his background to appeal to voters.

He told voters that they needed a successful businessman to understand how to get the economy moving in the copper-rich nation, where there is high unemployment. He also used his agricultural roots to appeal to the country's farmers, saying he could turn Zambia into a food basket for the region.

But it was Mr Hichilema's ability to connect with younger voters that was perhaps the biggest factor in his success. More than half of the seven million registered voters in Zambia are under the age of 35. Around one in five of them are unemployed.

The governing Patriotic Front (PF) swept to power in 2011 on the promise of "less taxes, more money in people's pockets and more jobs". But this did not materialise for many young people and they turned out in their millions for Mr Hichilema.

One of the ways he connected with young people was through social media. This was not the first election that Mr Hichilema attempted to use the likes of Facebook and Twitter to connect with voters, but he has recently upped his game.

He has also been willing to play dirty.

Last year he released a video entitled "The tale of two professionals...", which presented Mr Hichilema as a shrewd and responsible businessman, and Mr Lungu as someone who spent all his money in bars and nightclubs. "Which of these two is smarter?" the video asked.

Mr Hichilema would often use slang on social media, including the term "bally", an informal way of addressing someone as your father. Hashtags like #BallyWillFixIt was used in an effort to speak the language of people in the markets and bars, not just the business elites.

It appeared to work.

Thousands of Mr Hichilema's supporters flocked onto the streets of Lusaka after his victory, chanting "let's go Bally".