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0993d7 (23) No.224782 [Watch Thread][Show All Posts]

USAID has been used by the government as an agency that can be funded, under a thin veil of legitimacy to "help" (by name alone) but we all know names like "the Patriot Act" are the actual opposite of what name suggests..

USAID gets away with things that the CIA COULD NEVER GET AWAY WITH. Hence why USAID is kept in the light to get funding, and that funding is then used by CIA/other rogue gov agencies to do shit that the American People would NEVER co-sign.

____________________________
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0993d7 (23) No.224783

https://foreignpolicy.com/2014/04/03/cuban-twitter-and-other-times-usaid-pretended-to-be-an-intelligence-agency/

‘Cuban Twitter’ and Other Times USAID Pretended To Be an Intelligence Agency(ForeignPolicy.com)

Foreign governments have long accused the U.S. Agency for International Development of being a front for the CIA or other groups dedicated to their collapse. In the case of Cuba, they appear to have been right. In an eye-opening display of incompetence, the United States covertly launched a social media platform in Cuba in 2010, …

Foreign governments have long accused the U.S. Agency for International Development of being a front for the CIA or other groups dedicated to their collapse. In the case of Cuba, they appear to have been right.

In an eye-opening display of incompetence, the United States covertly launched a social media platform in Cuba in 2010, hoping to create a Twitter-like service that would spark a "Cuban Spring" and potentially help bring about the collapse of the island’s Communist government.

According to an Associated Press investigation, the project ultimately failed to foment political unrest, but it did turn out to be a useful way for Havana to secretly gather intelligence on the political leanings of the 40,000 Cubans who used it. It was a digital Bay of Pigs, but it was funded by USAID, an arm of the government dedicated to doing good work in bad places, not by the CIA.

Though better known for administering humanitarian aid around the world, USAID has a long history of engaging in intelligence work and meddling in the domestic politics of aid recipients. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, the agency often partnered with the CIA’s now-shuttered Office of Public Safety, a department beset by allegations that it trained foreign police in "terror and torture techniques" and encouraged official brutality, according to a 1976 Government Accountability Office report. USAID officials have always denied these accusations but in 1973, Congress directed USAID to phase out its public safety program --- which worked with the CIA to train foreign police forces — in large part because the accusations were hurting America’s public image. "It matters little whether the charges can be substantiated," said a Senate Foreign Relations Committee report. "They inevitably stigmatize the total United States foreign aid effort." By the time the program was closed, USAID had helped train thousands of military personnel and police officers in Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand, and other countries now notorious for their treatment of political dissidents.

Rajiv Shah, the head of USAID, defended the Cuba program Thursday, in an interview with Andrea Mitchell on MSNBC. "Sometimes the work we carry out is carried out discreetly, in the context of keeping the people who are doing this work safe," he said. "It doesn’t make it covert, but it does make it discreet." Meanwhile, agency spokespeople have repeatedly insisted that USAID is "a development agency, not an intelligence agency."

In recent years, USAID’s alleged political meddling has been more subtle. Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez frequently and famously accused the United States of covertly trying to overthrow him, but only after his death did evidence emerge to support his seemingly paranoid claims. A WikiLeaks cable released in 2013 outlined the U.S. strategy for undermining Chavez’s government by "penetrating Chavez’s political base," "dividing Chavismo," and "isolating Chavez internationally." The strategy was to be carried out by USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives, the same office responsible for developing "Cuban Twitter," and involved funding opposition organizations in Venezuela.

USAID’s previous efforts to potentially weaken Cuban President Raul Castro’s hold on power came to light in 2009, when Cuban authorities arrested USAID contractor Alan Gross and later convicted him for "acts against the independence or the territorial integrity of the state." Gross had been secretly outfitting the island’s small Jewish community with communications and satellite equipment as part of a program funded by USAID. Castro called Gross a spy, which wasn’t true, but bringing in the equipment broke Cuban laws regulating their citizens’ Internet access. During his 2011 trial, Gross characterized himself as "a trusting fool" who had been manipulated by his employers. "I was duped. I was used. And my family and I have paid dearly for this," he said. He was sentenced to 15 years in prison anyway.

These incidents have fed a narrative, embraced by some foreign governments, that USAID acts as a cover for U.S. intelligence programs. In recent years, an array of countries have accused USAID of interfering in their domestic politics or attempting to undermine their power. In 2013, Bolivian President Evo Morales expelled USAID officials from his country on the grounds that the agency had conspired against his government by allegedly "manipulating" social movements in the country. He also charged that that a previous USAID program that sought to help coca farms switch to new crops was politically motivated.

Russia expelled the agency in 2012 for similar reasons. Its foreign ministry argued in a statement that USAID "attempts to influence political processes through its grants," while President Vladimir Putin blamed U.S.-funded NGOs for inciting protests against his re-election.

And in February, Kenyan Cabinet Secretary Francis Kimemia claimed that his government had evidence that USAID had hired activists to organize anti-government protests in Nairobi, in an effort to "topple" the government.

There is little evidence, at least so far, to verify those charges. But the new Cuba scandal won’t help USAID repair its tattered reputation.

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0993d7 (23) No.224785

https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/LOC-HAK-22-6-15-4.pdf

NSC Declassed paper for "Mr. Kissinger" from John H. Holdridge

Declassified 11/27/2012

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0993d7 (23) No.224791

https://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL1009/S00027/obama-and-his-family-tied-to-cia-for-years.htm

Obama and His Family Tied to CIA for Years

(Scoop.co.nz)

Friday, 3 September 2010, 10:59 am

Opinion: Sherwood Ross

Obama and His Family Tied to CIA for Years

By Sherwood Ross

President Obama-as well as his mother, father, step-father and grandmother-all were connected to the Central Intelligence Agency---possibly explaining why the President praises the “Agency” and declines to prosecute its officials for their crimes.

According to a published report in the September “Rock Creek Free Press” of Washington, D.C., investigative reporter Wayne Madsen says Obama's mother Ann Dunham worked “on behalf of a number of CIA front operations, including the East-West Center at the University of Hawaii, the U.S. Agency for International Development(USAID), and the Ford Foundation.” The East-West Center had long been affiliated with CIA activities in the Asia-Pacific region, Madsen says.

What's more, Obama's father, Barack Obama Sr., arrived in Hawaii from Kenya as part of a CIA program to identify and train Africans who would be useful to the Agency in its Cold War operations against the Soviets, Madsen says. Obama Sr. divorced Ms. Dunham in 1964.

Ms. Dunham married Lolo Soetoro the following year, a man Madsen says assisted in the violent CIA coup against Indonesian President Sukarno that claimed a million lives. Obama's mother taught English for USAID, “which was a major cover for CIA activities in Indonesia and throughout Southeast Asia,” Madsen reports. That USAID was a cover for CIA covert operations in Laos was admitted by its administrator Dr. John Hannah on Metromedia News. Madsen says the organization was also a cover for the CIA in Indonesia.

Advertisement - scroll to continue reading

Ms. Dunham worked in Indonesia at a time when Midwest Universities Consortium for International Activities(MUCIA)-a group that included the University of Illinois, Wisconsin, Michigan State, Minnesota and Indiana- was accused of being a front for CIA activities in Indonesia and elsewhere. Ms. Dunham traveled to Ghana, Nepal, Bangladesh, India and Thailand “working on micro-financing projects” for the CIA, Madsen reports.

And Ms. Dunham's mother, Madelyn Dunham-who raised Obama while his mother was on assignment in Indonesia-acted as vice president of the Bank of Hawaii in Honolulu, which Madsen says was used by various CIA front entities. She handled escrow accounts used to make CIA payments “to U.S.-supported Asian dictators” including Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, South Vietnamese President Nguyen van Thieu, and President Suharto in Indonesia, Madsen says.

“In effect, the bank was engaged in money laundering for the CIA to prop up covertly its favored leaders in the Asia-Pacific region,” Madsen writes. “It is clear that Dunham Soetoro and her Indonesian husband, President Obama's step-father, were closely involved in the CIA's operations to steer Indonesia away from the Sino-Soviet orbit after the overthrow of Sukarno.”

“President Obama's own work in 1983 for Business International Corporation, a CIA front that conducted seminars with the world's most powerful leaders and used journalists as agents abroad, dovetails with CIA espionage activities conducted by his mother,” Madsen says. “There are volumes of written material on the CIA backgrounds of George H.W. Bush and CIA-related activities by his father and children, including former President George W. Bush. Barack Obama, on the other hand, cleverly masked his own CIA connections as well as those of his mother, father, step-father, and grandmother,” Madsen points out.

A review of the influence on the Oval Office by the CIA, particularly since the presidency of Bush Sr., a former director of the Agency, it becomes apparent the Agency has played a major role in the shaping of U.S. foreign policy---a role that has been largely kept secret from the American public and one which most Americans would not have approved. The CIA's overthrow of the democratic government of Iran in 1953 is an example. The overthrow occurred after the Iranian government nationalized the oil industry following alleged cheating on payments by contractor British Petroleum, then known as Anglo-Iranian Oil Co. For another, the CIA's widespread use of illegal rendition and torture of suspects is repugnant to Americans who still believe in their Constitution.

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0993d7 (23) No.224794

[pop]YouTube embed. Click thumbnail to play.

(YouTUbe) Is USAID the New CIA? Agency Secretly Built Cuban Twitter Program To Fuel Anti-Castro Protests (YouTube)

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0993d7 (23) No.224795

https://x.com/shellenberger/status/1887282174321152095

MichaelShellenberger (TwIX) USAID's defenders say it's about charity and development in poor nations. It's not. It's a $40 billion driver of regime change abroad. And now the evidence suggests that it, along with the CIA, were behind the 2019 impeachment of Trump --- an illegal regime change effort at home.

The House of Representatives impeached President Donald Trump on December 18, 2019, after a White House whistleblower went public with evidence that Trump abused his powers by withholding military aid to Ukraine in order to dig up dirt on his rival, Joe Biden.

In the complaint, the whistleblower claimed to have heard from White House staff that Trump had, on a phone call, directed Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to work with his personal attorney, Rudy Giuliani, to investigate Joe Biden and Hunter Biden.

The whistleblower who triggered the impeachment was a CIA analyst who was first brought into the White House by the Obama administration.

Reporting by Drop Site News last year revealed that the CIA analyst relied on reporting by a supposedly independent investigative news organization called the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), which appears to have effectively operated as an arm of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), which President Trump has just shut down. The CIA whistleblower complaint cited a long report by OCCRP four times.

The OCCRP report alleged that two Soviet-born Florida businessmen were “key hidden actors behind a plan” by Trump to investigate the Bidens. According to the story, those two businessmen connected Giuliani to two former Ukrainian prosecutors. The OCCRP story was crucial to the House Democrats’ impeachment claim, which is that Trump dispatched Giuliani as part of a coordinated effort to pressure a foreign country to interfere in the 2020 presidential election, which is why the whistleblower cited it four times.

In a 2024 documentary that German television broadcaster NDR made about OCCRP’s dependence on the US government, a USAID official confirmed that USAID approves OCCRP’s “annual work plan” and approves new hires of “key personnel.” NDR initiated and carried out the investigation with French investigative news organization Mediapart, Italian new group Il Fatto Quotidiano, Reporters United in Greece, and Drop Site News in the United States.

However, according to a Mediapart story published the same day as the Drop Site News article, NDR censored the broadcast “after US journalist Drew Sullivan, the co-founder and head of the OCCRP, placed pressure on the NDR management and made false accusations against the broadcaster’s journalists involved in the project.”

On December 16, Drop Site’s Ryan Grim posted a link on X to the 26-minute-long documentary. “NDR, Germany’s public broadcaster, is facing a censorship scandal and has defended itself by saying it never killed a news report about OCCRP and its State Department funding --- b/c no report was ever produced to kill,” said Grim. “That was absurd — and dozens, maybe hundreds, of journalists knew it to be false, and now of course, someone has leaked it.”

The journalistic collaboration revealed that OCCRP’s original funding came from the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs of the State Department, and quotes a USAID official who says, “Drew’s just nervous about being linked with law enforcement,” referring to Sullivan. “If people who are going to give you information think you’re just a cop, maybe it’s a problem.”

OCCRP does not operate like a normal investigative journalism organization in that its goals appear to include interfering in foreign political matters, including elections, aimed at regime change. Sullivan told NDR that his organization had “probably been responsible for five or six countries changing over from one government to another government… and getting prime ministers indicted or thrown out.”

As such, it appears that CIA, USAID, and OCCRP were all involved in the impeachment of President Trump in ways similar to the regime change operations that all three organizations engage in abroad. The difference is that it is highly illegal and even treasonous for CIA, USAID, and its contractors and intermediaries, known as “cut-outs,” to interfere in US politics this way.

OCCRP threatened to file a lawsuit against Public in response to questions we sent. “The premise of your article is factually false and defamatory,” wrote Miranda Patrucic, the Editor in Chief of OCCRP, over email. “The claim by Dropsite News and partner media that USAID has control over editorial appointments has been disproven and we suggest you read our response to that.”

But neither OCCRP nor anyone else disproved Drop Site’s allegations and Drop Site stands by them. And the evidence does not support OCCRP’s claim of journalistic independence….

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0993d7 (23) No.224796

[pop]YouTube embed. Click thumbnail to play.

VIDEO: How USAID Funded CIA-Backed Mercenaries (YouTube)

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0993d7 (23) No.224799

https://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2014/04/15/when-is-foreign-aid-meddling/secret-programs-hurt-foreign-aid-efforts

Secret Programs Hurt Foreign Aid Efforts(NYTimes.com)

There is a world of difference between American foreign assistance programs that openly support democratic development, human rights and socioeconomic progress, and the type of clandestine operations aimed at regime change that United States Agency for International Development has been running under the guise of a “democracy” promotion program in Cuba. Those programs are not only counterproductive, they are an abject violation of Cuba’s sovereignty, undermine American interests in Cuba’s slow but steady political and economic transition, and endanger the legitimate missions of U.S.A.I.D. around the world.

U.S.A.I.D. was created in 1961 to help the United States win the “hearts and minds” of citizens in poor countries through civic action, economic aid and humanitarian assistance. As a cold war policy tool, the agency was, at times, used as a front for C.I.A. operations and operatives. Among the most infamous examples was the Office of Public Safety, a U.S.A.I.D. police training program in the Southern Cone that also trained torturers.

Regime-change programs have a negative impact on the legitimacy of U.S.A.I.D.’s own core missions.

In the 21st century, U.S.A.I.D. has overcome its tainted legacy and undertaken humanitarian, political and economic work around the globe. It runs democracy promotion efforts from Afghanistan to Kenya --- building political leadership capacity, electoral education and registration programs, and judicial reform projects — with little controversy. It is when U.S.A.I.D. undertakes “discreet” regime change operations that it runs into trouble. Indeed, its Office of Transition Initiatives now seems to be competing with, or at least complementing, the C.I.A. on hi-tech propaganda and destabilization programs in Cuba, if not elsewhere as well.

Regime-change programs have a negative impact on larger U.S. foreign policy interests as well as on the legitimacy of U.S.A.I.D.’s own core missions to advance global health and economic welfare. At a Senate hearing on U.S.A.I.D.’s budget last week, Senator Patrick Leahy told the agency's administrator, Rajiv Shah, that his oversight committee was receiving “lots of emails” from aid workers around the world asking this question: “How could they do this and put us in such danger?” The solution is simple: ban U.S.A.I.D. from conducting such covert operations in the name of advancing democracy.

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0993d7 (23) No.224800

https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/the-cia-rigged-foreign-spy-devices-for-years-what-secrets-should-it-share-now/2020/02/28/b570a4ea-58ce-11ea-9000-f3cffee23036_story.html

The CIA rigged foreign spy devices for years. What secrets should it share now?(WashingtonPost.com)

The trove built by Crypto AG contains intelligence that could help other governments today.

February 28, 2020

FILE PHOTO: The logo of Crypto AG is seen at its headquarters in Steinhausen, Switzerland February 11, 2020. REUTERS/Arnd Wiegmann/File Photo (Arnd Wiegmann/Reuters)

The revelation that the CIA secretly co-owned the world’s leading manufacturer of encryption machines, and rigged those devices to conduct espionage on more than 100 nations that purchased them for more than half a century, has generated a number of historical and ethical questions: What did U.S. officials know, and when did they know it, about key episodes in recent world history? How did U.S. policymakers act on the intelligence that was gathered? Did U.S. officials have an obligation, as The Washington Post’s Greg Miller put it, to “expose or stop human rights violations unfolding in their view”? Should the United States have been spying on friends and foes alike?

But the most immediate question has yet to be answered: What should the United States do with the massive trove of intercepted communications it obtained and decrypted, along with the thousands of secret intelligence reports those intercepts generated? Those files are gathering dust in the SCIFs --- the sensitive compartmented information facilities — of the CIA and the National Security Agency. Hidden away, the documents represent a history held hostage; they have the potential to significantly advance the historical record, not only on U.S. foreign policy but on key world crises and events (wars, coups, terrorist attacks, peace accords) over more than five decades.

But their value to history, and the lessons they hold, will become apparent only if and when the documents are declassified and made accessible to the public.

‘We can neither confirm nor deny that such documents exist.” That is a standard, official response by the CIA and the NSA to Freedom of Information Act requests seeking the release of classified documentation on past covert operations and espionage programs, especially those that involve signals intelligence. “SIGINT,” in the parlance of the intelligence community, is gleaned from phone transmissions, telexes, emails, satellites and other forms of electronic communication. Perhaps the most sacrosanct secret kept by spy agencies is how they obtain such information.

The exposés in February by Miller and Peter Mueller of the German public broadcaster ZDF, however, confirm the existence of a 50-year-long paper trail of extraordinary SIGINT documentation. Through a leak, those reporters gained access to a 96-page CIA history, along with an oral history compiled by officers of the German intelligence agency, showing how those governments controlled the Swiss company, Crypto AG, that made the encryption machines. The name for this operation was “Rubicon,” and the secret CIA history about it is titled “Minerva,” the code name assigned to company.

Why the Obama administration is giving old state secrets to allies

The secret history describes how a “handshake deal” between Boris Hagelin, the founder and owner of Crypto AG, and William Friedman, the founding father of American cryptology, set up a system in the early 1950s that allowed the NSA to dictate where the company sold “breakable” communications devices and where it sold unbreakable machines. After the U.S. and German governments bought the company for $5.75 million in 1970, Washington “controlled nearly every aspect of Crypto’s operations,” among them “hiring decisions, designing its technology, sabotaging its algorithms and directing its sales targets,” according to The Post’s report. It monitored Egypt’s negotiating strategies during the 1978 peace talks with Israel led by President Jimmy Carter at Camp David; Iranian mullahs amid the 1979 embassy hostage crisis in Tehran; and more than 19,000 encrypted messages during the Iran-Iraq War. The United States sent intercepted Argentine messages to its ally Britain during the 1982 Falklands War.

In Latin America, a major market for the Crypto machines, the Minerva program let the CIA listen in as generals plotted coups in Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, Paraguay and Bolivia, and then waged the “dirty wars” of repression that followed. The rigged machines also enabled the CIA to surveil the sinister consortium of those nations’ secret police services, known as Operation Condor, which orchestrated covert, cross-border rendition and assassination missions against opponents in Latin America, Europe and even the United States.

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The intelligence gathered on Operation Condor carries a humanitarian value that goes beyond its historical importance. These records have the potential to shed light on the fate of Condor’s victims, many of whom remain desaparecidos --- disappeared. The documents are also likely to contain evidence that could help hold the perpetrators of those and other human rights crimes legally and historically accountable as trials continue in countries like Argentina and Chile. Perhaps most significantly for U.S. security interests, the Condor papers may reveal how and why U.S. intelligence officials failed to deter an act of international terrorism on the streets of Washington: the Sept. 21, 1976, car-bombing that killed former Chilean ambassador Orlando Letelier and his 25-year-old colleague, Ronni Karpen Moffitt.

‘The intelligence coup of the century’

These are secrets the government has kept hidden for decades. The NSA, for instance, resisted FBI and Justice Department requests for assistance in the investigation of the Letelier-Moffitt assassination. “It would be very unfortunate if one agency of our Government possessed information which may be relevant to this murder and would not disclose it to us,” the Justice Department prosecutor, Eugene Propper, complained in a classified memo (later declassified) more than a year after the terrorist attack.

The NSA also moved to sequester and classify papers donated to the Virginia Military Institute by Friedman, Hagelin’s NSA handler, when it discovered their existence.

More recently, the keepers of the secrets have demonstrated that documents related to Crypto AG and signals intelligence can be declassified --- albeit with extensive redactions — without damaging U.S. security interests. The NSA has declassified older examples of its daily signals-intelligence summary that probably contain information from the Minerva project. As part of President Barack Obama’s Open Government Initiative, in 2015 the NSA posted some 7,600 documents relating to Friedman’s career, including censored versions of his communications with Hagelin in the 1950s. The NSA “periodically conducts ‘Special Topical Reviews’ of categories of records, such as the Gulf of Tonkin, USS Liberty, UKUSA, and posts those records,” according to a statement on its website. “In accordance with the federal Open Government initiative, we will identify subjects and records for which there is a general public interest.”

There is certainly a “general public interest,” as well as a global public interest, in the Minerva papers. With the history of one of their most successful espionage operations now in the spotlight, the NSA and the CIA could undertake a “special topical review” of those documents that proceeds along these lines:

First, the CIA could quickly review and declassify the 96-page Minerva history. Now that it has leaked, these operations are no longer a secret. This would allow the U.S. government to take credit not only for the intelligence achievements of Minerva but also for making the history available for public scrutiny.

Encryption machines gave CIA window into South American human rights abuses

Second, the NSA and the CIA could centralize the files that served as the basis for the Minerva history and review those records for declassification over the next two years.

Finally, the agencies could divide the papers into several special topical reviews: a Condor collection, an Iran hostage crisis collection, an Iran-Iraq War collection and so on. Each grouping would combine the raw decrypted communications on those topics with the finished intelligence reports that drew on those intercepts. A series of releases, similar to ones the NSA and the CIA have done in the past, could be scheduled over the next decade. In particular, documentation related to human rights cases in Latin America and elsewhere could be given special priority and made accessible to legal authorities who are prosecuting crimes against humanity.

Clearly, officials at the CIA and the NSA understand the value of history and the ongoing relevance of these documents. That is why they spent considerable time, effort and taxpayer resources to compile the Minerva history --- to help the next generation of intelligence officials understand the lessons of the past and their implications for the future. Presumably, this internal history would be shared on a “need to know” basis.

But the public at large also has a need to know --- and an even greater right to know. The Minerva intelligence operations were carried out to advance our national security. Now, the records they generated can be used to secure our history.

Twitter: @peterkornbluh

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0993d7 (23) No.224801

https://www.npr.org/2020/03/05/812499752/uncovering-the-cias-audacious-operation-that-gave-them-access-to-state-secrets

Uncovering The CIA's Audacious Operation That Gave Them Access To State Secrets(NPR.com)'

Dave Davies37-Minute Listen

Greg Miller of The Washington Post reveals the hidden history of Crypto AG, a Swiss firm that sold encryption technology to 120 countries --- but was secretly owned by the CIA for decades.

DAVE DAVIES, HOST:

This is FRESH AIR. I'm Dave Davies, in for Terry Gross, who's off this week. There have been some startling revelations about U.S. intelligence activities by journalists in recent years, but the story last month by our guest, Greg Miller of The Washington Post, stands out as especially remarkable. He reported that a Swiss company which sold encryption equipment and technology to governments around the world for decades was secretly owned by the CIA and the West German intelligence service, and they were rigging the technology they sold to allow the U.S. and West Germany to spy on the countries that bought it. Miller obtained a secret CIA study of the project. His story was jointly reported with the German public broadcaster ZDF, which obtained a similar account of the operation by the German intelligence service the BND.

Greg Miller is a national security reporter for The Washington Post. He was among two reporting teams at the post that won Pulitzer Prizes in 2014 and 2018. He's the author of the book "The Apprentice: Trump, Russia And The Subversion Of American Democracy," which has just come out in paperback.

Greg Miller, welcome back to FRESH AIR. So let's go over some of the basics here. This was a Swiss firm, Crypto or Crypto AG. What exactly was its business?

GREG MILLER: So Crypto AG was a maker of encryption devices; that is, it made equipment that was mainly for governments, for nations to use to protect their communications. So basically, these are machines that scramble messages and code them and then decode them at the other end so that other governments can't listen to what you're saying to your diplomats or to your military or to your spies. It's designed to protect the secrecy of countries' communications.

DAVIES: And do we know how many countries bought the stuff?

MILLER: Yeah. So Crypto AG was, for most of its history, the world's leading supplier of this kind of technology, and it sold its devices to more than 120 countries around the world.

DAVIES: And all that time, the buyers didn't know the true owners, right?

MILLER: (Laughter) Right. So the - Crypto AG, from its inception, was cooperating with U.S. intelligence agencies and, for most of its history, was actually owned by the CIA. From 1970 until 1998, it was essentially a subsidiary of the CIA, even while dozens and dozens of countries around the world were buying these machines, this equipment, encryption equipment, trusting this company with their most precious secrets.

DAVIES: Right. And it was the CIA and the German intelligence agency, the BND, too, right?

MILLER: That's right. So initially, the CIA purchases and acquires Crypto AG in a partnership with German intelligence. That relationship goes on for several decades. And then the Germans left, but then the CIA kept going for decades after that.

DAVIES: OK, so governments buy this so that they can send encrypted messages to their agents elsewhere, whoever they might be, or their diplomats. What kind of material did the CIA and their German counterparts get from these devices?

MILLER: So it essentially lays bare all of the most sensitive communications of dozens of governments around the world, including a lot of adversaries of the United States. So countries that bought this equipment included Iran, included almost all of Latin America, most countries in the Middle East, most countries in Africa, some countries in Europe. I mean, it's staggering, the scale of this operation. And what the U.S. got as a result is just intelligence on the activities of these countries, on terrorist operations, on bombings - like the bombing of a disco in Berlin in the 1980s - of military operations. The United States helped England in its war over the Falklands Islands with Argentina thanks to these devices. I mean, there are just example after example where this operation gave the United States amazing insight into what other countries' plans and intentions were.

DAVIES: It's interesting that so many countries bought it and didn't know for years what its true use was. But not the Soviet Union and China. Why?

MILLER: Right. I mean, that's a really important point to make here because as successful as this operation was, it had certain limits. The United States main adversaries, of course, throughout the Cold War were the Soviet Union and China, and they never bought these devices because it was a Western-based company. It's in Switzerland. It has, you know, ties to other European governments. And there's no way the Soviet state was going to trust its secrets to something coming out of the West. And also, I mean, the Soviets were capable of building their own equipment. They had their own sophisticated encryption machines. And so as a result, they were never exposed. They were never penetrated as part of this program.

DAVIES: Let's talk about the origins of this. It wasn't like these spy agencies just decided - hey, let's open a shop and sell this stuff. It starts with an interesting character, Boris Hagelin, right? Tell us about him.

MILLER: Yeah, it's a fascinating backstory for this company, and it traces back to World War II and even beforehand. Boris Hagelin is a Swedish entrepreneur and inventor who has ideas for mechanical encryption devices. I mean, these are very crude-kind-of-looking little boxes with gears inside them. You can still see these things in museums. And he is Russian-born. His family flees to Sweden. And he develops this technology at a really opportune moment because it's just happening as World War II is on the horizon.

The United States is about to enter the war. The United States Army desperately needs encryption devices so that units can communicate with one another in the field. And they end up buying 140,000 of these things from Hagelin. He ends up coming over to the United States. They repurpose a typewriter factory in Connecticut to build these encryption devices. And they're little portable boxes that soldiers would carry around and strap them to their knees, and they would encode messages and then send them by telegraph or radio to other units.

And that was what gave birth not only to this company but to the relationship between Boris Hagelin, the founder of Crypto, and the United States. And it's that relationship that sort of serves as the basis for this incredible espionage operation that comes about years later.

DAVIES: This is fascinating, you know, for people who've grown up accustomed to everything being done by software on small or handheld devices. This was mechanical. You would generate encrypted messages with all these gears and levers.

MILLER: Yeah. It looks like a little mini cash register. It has a lever on the right-hand side that you actually had to hand crank. You have to twist the dials inside yourselves. And it was very tedious. To encode a simple message, you had to do it letter by letter. You'd turn a dial on the front of the machine to letters A, B, C or D, and it spits out a different letter on a piece of tape that comes out the back. And then you've got to carry that tape over to your communications officer, and he's got to transmit this in Morse code.

DAVIES: Right. So the United States has this relationship with Hagelin and buys these encryption devices during the war. Afterwards, they'd like to continue the relationship. And you tell us that it was fortuitous that the head of the United States Army's signals intelligence service - a guy William Friedman - was a good friend of Hagelin. What kind of deal did they manage to strike?

MILLER: So this is one of the crucial relationships not only in this operation but in all of Cold War espionage. William Friedman is a cryptologist in the United States. He's regarded by many as kind of the pioneer of cryptology in the United States. He has a lot in common with Boris Hagelin. They're both born in Russia. They're both fascinated with this kind of mathematics and technology. And they forge a relationship. They meet each other in the 1940s. And it's Friedman who then becomes sort of the manager of this relationship with Hagelin over time. So after the war, Hagelin goes back to Sweden. He's flush with cash from his huge contract from the U.S. Army. He's got - you know, he was paid $8 million for all these devices he made. And he's planning to go into business and start selling this stuff around the world, and that scares the United States. It scares Friedman. Uh-oh - we're not going to be able to spy on other countries if Hagelin succeeds in his business plans. We need to get back in with him and establish a relationship where we have some control over what he's selling and who he's selling to.

DAVIES: So what's the arrangement they come to?

MILLER: The arrangement evolves. So initially, it's basically - Hagelin agrees almost voluntarily to withhold his best equipment from certain countries that are seen as adversaries by the West. And I think it's really important to think about this time as just sort of after Cold - after World War II through the early years of the Cold War, when the United States is seen as a savior by much of Western Europe. And so there is a huge interest in cooperating with the United States, great respect for the country. And so Hagelin and Crypto cooperate initially, but that changes by the mid-1960s when it becomes a much deeper relationship. And Hagelin is actually getting paid hundreds of thousands of dollars by the CIA to withhold his best, most secure encryption devices from countries that are not on a list that are presented to him each year by the United States, by the CIA.

DAVIES: So how does this morph into a CIA-owned company?

MILLER: So there were always, you know, ideas all along the way. Wow, this is a great arrangement we have with Hagelin. Could we tweak it further? Could we go one step further and get him to actually rig his devices in ways that we design? And Friedman was reluctant to do that. He thought that would be a step too far for Hagelin. But in the '60s, technology changed, and it kind of forced Hagelin's hand. It moves - technology moves from the gears and the mechanical devices that he knew how to build into electronics that he knew a lot less about.

And so the NSA, the National Security Agency, which is a huge U.S. intelligence agency, sees an opportunity here. We can help Hagelin solve his problem if he helps us solve our problem. We'll give him the technology, the know-how to get into electronics and algorithms if he will let us design these machines and rig them so that we can read them going forward. And that is the initial basis for this operation.

DAVIES: We're speaking with Greg Miller. He covers national security for The Washington Post. We'll talk more after this short break. This is FRESH AIR.

(SOUNDBITE OF ALEXANDRE DESPLAT'S "SPY MEETING")

DAVIES: This is FRESH AIR. And my guest is Washington Post national security reporter Greg Miller. He recently wrote a story about a Swiss-based firm that sold encryption technology to countries all around the world for decades. What those countries didn't know is that the company was co-owned by the CIA and German intelligence services, which were using the technology they sold to spy on the countries that bought it.

So they decided to register a company in Switzerland, is that what happens?

MILLER: So Hagelin moved his company to Switzerland in the 1950s, mainly to get away from Swedish tax laws.

(LAUGHTER)

MILLER: But there were other reasons, too. I mean, there was a workforce in Switzerland, that they were world-renowned for making sophisticated watch mechanisms and things like this, and that helped him with his early machines. But yes, so - but by the late 1960s, Hagelin is getting on in years. He's in his 80s. He's looking to retire. He wants to get out of this. And he's trying to figure out what's going to happen to this company. And that is when the - he's interested in selling it. And that's when U.S. spy agencies sort of faced this dilemma. Other spy agencies are circling Hagelin, and it's only because the French and the Germans come to him at some point and say, we would like to buy Crypto from you and would enable you to retire, that the CIA and NSA finally get their act together and say, get out of here, France. We're going to buy this thing with the Germans, and everybody else can take a back seat.

DAVIES: Right. So the Germans and the United States intelligence services, they buy the company or register a new company?

MILLER: No, they buy the company. They have to create a new holding entity. They do this in Liechtenstein, which is this tiny country in Europe that is notorious for its secretive banking and corporate ownership laws. So they create this phony entity to buy Crypto from Hagelin, but they pay him cash for it. They pay him millions of dollars for the company. And he basically turns it over to them through this secret ownership arrangement.

DAVIES: Right. So we end up with ostensibly private company that is secretly owned by two intelligence services. Did it have the normal kind of leadership structure of a company with a board of directors, and did they know what was going on?

MILLER: Yeah, that's a great question. So - right. To the rest of the outside world, this looks like, you know, some new owners have come in and bought this thing, but it's still Crypto AG. It's still a Swiss company. It's - you know, it's completely private. But behind the scenes, it's actually owned by the CIA and BND, which is the German intelligence service. And they try to create the appearance that this is still functioning as a private entity. So yes, there's a board of directors. There's a chief executive. There's a research and development department. There are dozens, if not hundreds, of employees at this company. But in secret, there are always a small number, usually just one or two - the chief executive at the company and one or two members of the board - who know the truth, and they are responsible for executing the orders of the CIA and the BND.

DAVIES: Wow. It's also remarkable, you learned in this material that you got access to, that that the German and American agencies brought in some corporate partners to help with the technology - Siemens in the case of the Germans, Motorola in the case of the Americans. Did these private companies know they were assisting in spying?

MILLER: Absolutely (laughter). I mean, there are detailed accounts in these documents of conversations with these massive companies. Hey, we are running this secret operation out of Switzerland. We're having trouble with this certain device. It's not working very well. We're trying to make our transition into a new technology. Can you help us out with this? They're may not be read into all the details of the operation, but they are - it's clear to those companies that they are working hand-in-glove with the CIA, NSA and the BND.

DAVIES: Let's talk about some of the more interesting moments in the operation of this company which was around for decades. For example, the Camp David talks, trying to establish peace between the Israelis and Palestinians.

MILLER: Sure. So there - the documents lay out numerous sort of global events where this operation gave U.S. officials, including presidents, deep insight into what was happening, an upper hand almost, including the Camp David negotiations under President Carter in the late 1970s between Egypt and Israel. All of the Egyptian communications from Camp David back to Cairo were being monitored because the Egyptians were a huge customer of Crypto AG, and the NSA was able to pick off all of those communications between President Sadat and his advisers back in Cairo and decode them, read them. They knew everything that the Egyptians were doing. There were numerous other cases here. I've…

DAVIES: Can I just stop you there for a sec? So the Americans were hearing what the inside Egyptian communications were about their strategy in the talks. Was that communicated to President Carter and his advisers so they knew more about what one side was doing?

MILLER: Absolutely. Absolutely. So I mean, that's one of the goals. That's one of the primary objectives of spying or espionage. So yes. So the NSA is monitoring these communications. They're intercepting all of Sadat's communications to his advisers back in Cairo. They're telling Carter and his whole negotiation team. So they come in to all their meetings with the Israelis and the Egyptians with a huge leg up. They already know what the Egyptian positions are, what their vulnerabilities are, what they're willing to concede and what their redlines are.

DAVIES: Were the Israelis customers of Crypto? Did the Americans know what their bottom lines were?

MILLER: The Israelis were in an interesting status here because the Israelis were not customers of Crypto in the main. They may have used Crypto devices here and there. But they were beneficiaries of this operation. So there's a handful of countries around the world that benefited from this, that the United States shared its secrets with in certain cases, and Israel was one of those. It's not clear from the documents how much this happened in the Camp David negotiations. But it's very clear from these files that Israel was given access to the intelligence that the United States got because of the Crypto penetration.

DAVIES: And then there was the 1979 Iranian hostage crisis.

MILLER: Right. So Iran was a huge customer of Crypto AG for years and years, bought a lot of these machines and used them. And it left them utterly vulnerable to penetration by U.S. spy agencies as a result. So when radicals stormed the American Embassy in Tehran and took 52 hostages, there were negotiations between the Carter administration and the regime for more than a year. And the United States was able to monitor all of the deliberations and all the conversations of the Iranians because of those - because of their government's use of these Crypto machines.

I mean, that speaks to a limit here to espionage, right? Knowing what the Iranians are doing and how they're reacting to the latest proposals and negotiations did not help President Carter get those hostages freed before his term in office ended. But it did give his administration deep insight into the Iranian position and what was happening.

DAVIES: And then there's the matter of the brother of President Jimmy Carter. People who are old enough will remember he had brother, Billy, who had his own private business enterprises which, at times, embarrassed the president. And one of them ended up having contact with Crypto. You want to explain what happened here?

MILLER: Yeah. So I mean, there are kind of echoes of this, I think, in our current situation in Washington, it seems like sometimes. But yeah, so President Carter had this kind of rogue brother, Billy, who basically started taking money from the Libyan government to pursue its interests as kind of in a - lobbying in Washington secretly. It did not own up to this initially. And so…

DAVIES: And this is when Muammar Gaddafi was running the place, right?

MILLER: Correct. And so, I mean, one of the most embarrassing moments and one of the most sort of trickiest moments that comes up in the Crypto history is that the NSA learns from monitoring Libya's communications that they regard Billy Carter as a paid informant. And so the NSA director at the time, Bobby Ray Inman, has to call the attorney general and say, I'm sorry to throw this in your lap, but we have some intelligence here that the president's brother is secretly taking cash from Muammar Gaddafi

DAVIES: Wow.

MILLER: Yeah.

DAVIES: And what did that lead to?

MILLER: Well, ultimately, it leads to an investigation. I think that Billy Carter ultimately had to declare himself a foreign lobbyist and admit that he had misled the FBI. But he was not, ultimately, prosecuted for this.

DAVIES: Greg Miller covers national security for The Washington Post. After a break, he'll tell us what happened when one of the international salesmen for the company Crypto AG was arrested in Iran and accused of espionage. Also, film critic Justin Chang reviews the new Western "First Cow" from independent filmmaker Kelly Reichardt. I'm Dave Davies, and this is FRESH AIR.

(SOUNDBITE OF ALEXIS CUADRADO'S "POR LA MINIMA (BULERIAS)")

DAVIES: This is FRESH AIR. I'm Dave Davies in for Terry Gross, who's off this week. We're speaking with Greg Miller, who covers national security for The Washington Post. His story last month revealed that a Swiss company which sold encryption technology to governments around the world for decades was secretly owned by the CIA and the West German intelligence service, who were rigging the technology to allow the U.S. and West Germany to spy on the countries that bought it.

So this company, Crypto, owned by these American and German intelligence services, were out there in a competitive private world where there are other companies that want to sell cryptology services. What did they do to secure and keep market share, to make sure that the countries they were targeting bought from them and not competitors?

MILLER: So it turns out that having U.S. intelligence agencies in your back pocket gives you a pretty substantial leg up on the competition in some ways. So I mean, the documents indicate that the CIA was - would give Crypto extensive amounts of cash to market its devices, to sell its machines in countries that otherwise would not be profitable, places where Crypto probably otherwise would not have bothered even trying to get an account. But the CIA wanted those countries, including many in Africa, to become kind of Crypto customers, and so it would finance the sales of those machines to those governments.

And then there are other ways. I mean, we - you know, so the United States brings in Motorola to help Crypto make more advanced machines at times. The NSA is designing the algorithms that go into the latest devices that Crypto was selling in the '70s, '80s, and 1990s and into the 2000s. So I mean, Crypto is leaning heavily at times on the technical know-how of U.S. spy agencies to make its products look better than the competitors', even though what they are really doing is making those products more vulnerable to U.S. monitoring.

DAVIES: Right. So if they're targeting a country they want to make sure they get into, they can offer a steep discount. Do they do other things like bribe local officials or, you know, run smear campaigns against the competition?

MILLER: Absolutely. So one other - there was another Swiss company at the time - Gretag is what it was called - that was trying to become a rival to Crypto. And the CIA and U.S. intelligence helped to sort of orchestrate smear campaigns around the world to spread disinformation that Gretag's devices couldn't be trusted; there were vulnerabilities in them. And then there were out - absolutely, there were - there was bribery, bald bribery. The Crypto executives would - there - and the documents describe Crypto executives heading off for sales meeting with Saudi officials carrying boxes of Rolex watches to pass around and bringing Saudi officials to Switzerland at one point for supposed training classes on how to use the equipment that were actually just trips for these Saudis to be able to visit brothels in and around Zurich at the company's expense.

DAVIES: Wow. You know, when you have this kind of access to the secrets of countries all over the world, you hear things which are going to raise ethical dilemmas - right? - because they found that a lot of these countries were engaged in, you know, the internal suppression of dissidents, you know, maybe even ethnic cleansing - you know, activities which violated human rights and raised questions about how to respond to this information. Give us a sense of the dilemmas that posed.

MILLER: That's right. I mean, when you look at the history of this operation and you read the CIA's internal history, it's depicted as a triumph of espionage - with good reason. What the documents don't do so well is examine or scrutinize the inevitable dilemmas that come out of an operation like this and that, in fact, come from all aspects of espionage. I mean, this ultimately comes down to an operation in which you were deceiving and exploiting dozens of other sovereign countries. You are exploiting and deceiving hundreds of employees at Crypto who were never told what they were really doing or who the real owners were, even as they're making devices, even as they're make - traveling around the world selling what they believed to be secure machines. They don't know the real truth behind it. There are lots of ethical implications of it. And the one that you just raised, to me, is one of the most substantial. I mean, this puts you in position, as American spy agencies, to have real deep insight into some of the most atrocious things that are happening throughout the Cold War and afterward in places like Latin America or the Middle East. And what do you do with that?

I mean, this is sort of an eternal dilemma for espionage. When you learn something, when you learn about something terrible that's happening - in South America, for instance, many of the governments that were using Crypto machines were engaged in assassination campaigns. Thousands of people were being disappeared, killed. And I mean, they're using Crypto machines, which suggests that the United States intelligence had a lot of insight into what was happening. And it's hard to look back at that history now and see a lot of evidence of the United States going to any real effort to stop it or at least or even expose it.

DAVIES: Right. And if it emerges that the countries that are doing this awful stuff…

MILLER: Yeah.

DAVIES: …Are using your encrypted, you know, machines to communicate with each other and execute these missions, you're an accessory to it.

MILLER: You're right, right? And so at one point, countries in South America banded together, the most - the military dictatorships of South America banded together to create this kind of joint operation where they were trying to track down dissidents that they couldn't catch within their own borders, and they needed the cooperation of their neighbors. They used Crypto machines to coordinate these activities. They were using Crypto machines to track down and kill dissidents.

DAVIES: The company had a lot of employees, who - many of them were involved in technical roles. And I can't begin to understand this stuff. But they're offering products to countries. Did they become aware at some point that they're selling products which seemed a little funny or seemed to have, you know, aspects to them which would permit, you know, an outsider to access secrets?

MILLER: Absolutely. So to me, this is one of the most fascinating aspects of the history, is that it provides really interesting insights into the lengths that these intelligence agencies had to go to to keep employees at Crypto AG in the dark. And that wasn't always successful. There's a fascinating account of a moment in the late 1970s when a highly capable mathematician, a woman named Mengia Caflisch, is - applies for a job at Crypto. She has a background in radio astronomy and super-technical things. She's incredibly smart, way overqualified for the job she's applying for. And the Crypto executives are like, oh, my God. We're going to hire this woman. She's perfect. And the CIA and NSA back in Washington are responding, what are you guys doing? You cannot bring this woman into this company. She's too smart. She's going to figure this out. The documents literally say that.

And sure enough, she gets there, and she starts poking around and pulling these devices apart and immediately sees inexplicable flaws in the algorithms, inexplicable problems in the security of these machines and starts asking questions. And the responses are always very unsatisfying to her. She's never told the truth, but she's always proposing - she and others propose fixes, right? But they're never allowed to execute those fixes. We can make this box better. We can make this product better. And the executives are always saying, yeah, we think you probably can, but we're not going to do that at this time. We're going to leave it as it is.

DAVIES: Wow.

MILLER: And, yes, they become very suspicious over time. And in fact, Mengia Caflisch, who I met with in Switzerland, told me that this was one of the reasons she ultimately left the company. She felt so uncomfortable about her role in what, to her, increasingly appeared to be a dishonest endeavor.

DAVIES: We're speaking with Greg Miller. He covers national security for The Washington Post. We will continue our conversation in just a moment. This is FRESH AIR.

(SOUNDBITE OF CARL VERHEYEN SONG, "GOOD MORNING JUDGE")

DAVIES: This is FRESH AIR, and my guest is Washington Post national security reporter Greg Miller. He recently wrote a story about a Swiss-based firm that sold encryption technology to countries all around the world for decades, and those countries didn't realize that the company was co-owned by the CIA and German intelligence services, which were, in fact, using the technology they sold to spy on the countries that bought it.

There is an incident that occurs in 1992, when this company, Crypto, has been operating for a while. One of their salesmen, Hans Buhler, is arrested in Iran. Tell us about this.

MILLER: Hans Buhler was one of the company's best salesmen. He has this big account. Iran is a huge customer. Iran, at times, is suspicious of these devices. It's obviously, by that point, engaged in a long-standing kind of adversarial relationship with the United States and the West. And so they arrest Buhler and detain him for nine months and interrogate him. He's put in solitary confinement. They're asking him questions about what's - we think there's something wrong with these devices you're selling us. You need to tell us the truth. And Buhler doesn't know. He has never - he is not witting to the reality of this operation. He's a salesman who's being sent off to these places to sell what he thinks are secure, real encryption machines and doesn't know that this is all a front for the CIA and German intelligence, so he can't answer their questions.

And this is a - you know, circles back to this really critical ethical dilemma at the core of this, right? So you're sending people into harm's way without putting - giving them enough information to make choices for themselves about whether they are willing to do that. And, you know, this is a terrifying account. He comes - he's ultimately released after the Germans pay a million-dollar ransom for him through the company. He comes back. He's badly shaken by what's happened to him. He's suspicious that the Iranians know more about the company he works for than he does. And he becomes a real problem for Crypto. He starts talking to Swiss television stations and others, telling them about his ordeal in Iran, what the Iranians were asking him and his own growing suspicions about what Crypto is doing. And so there - this leads to a huge vulnerability for Crypto and a multi-year effort to kind of contain it by the CIA.

DAVIES: And it troubled the Germans more than the Americans, apparently.

MILLER: Yeah. I mean, so things are really turning politically for the Germans during this period. The Cold War is over, so one of the reasons for engaging in this operation seems to have disappeared. The Berlin Wall has come down. There's a reunification of Germany. Germany is trying to deepen its ties with other countries in Europe, some of whom are customers of Crypto AG. And Germany is increasingly worried that if the word about this gets out, there's going to be hell to pay for us. We are going to bear the brunt of any fallout - political or economic fallout for this operation. Ultimately, they decide around 1993, we want out. We've had enough. We're willing to hand it over to you guys. And so the CIA essentially buys out the German intelligence and keeps going for another 20 years.

DAVIES: Did German intelligence officials ever regret losing this remarkable tool?

MILLER: I think they regret it even to this day. I think the Germans and BND officials see this as one of the most brilliant operations they were ever a part of. It gave them a reason to be close partners with the CIA and NSA, which were the world's most powerful spy agencies. So when that went away, a lot of things ended for the German intelligence officials that they didn't want ending, to end, to see end. They - this was a decision forced on them by the - by political forces in Germany, and I think that the German spies rue that even now.

DAVIES: So how did things develop after the departure of the Germans in the mid-'90s? The Americans stayed with it until very recent years. Did it remain an active intelligence-gathering operation?

MILLER: Totally, yeah. So it just keeps going. The CIA keeps pouring money into this thing, keeps selling devices. They keep introducing - coming out with new products. And they - you know, it's interesting to me because it tells you a lot about the mindset of U.S. intelligence. Even as things - technology changes and this company seems to be struggling and is losing money, there is no part of the U.S. intelligence apparatus that wants to pull back. They're like, keep going. We should milk this thing for all of its worth until we can't find any other reason to keep it going any farther. And so they they carry it forward until 2018. Ultimately, it's a combination of forces, including just new developments in technology that Crypto can no longer really keep up with that force the United States' hand to finally get out of this.

DAVIES: You know, this operation gave them access to intelligence from all over the world, you know, not from sources on the ground but from these devices - I mean, you know, electronic communications that they could intercept. Do you think that there's any connection between that and the kind of global surveillance that has been exposed in recent years by Edward Snowden and others?

MILLER: I think there's two real connections here, and I'm glad you asked this question because I think this is the - these are the areas of most profound relevance to us now. To me, the history of the Crypto operation helps to explain how U.S. spy agencies became accustomed to, if not addicted to, global surveillance. This program went on for more than 50 years, monitoring the communications of more than 100 countries. I mean, the United States came to expect that kind of penetration, that kind of global surveillance capability. And as Crypto became less able to deliver it, the United States turned to other ways to replace that. And the Snowden documents tell us a lot about how they did that. Instead of working through this company in Switzerland, they turned their sights to companies like Google and Apple and Microsoft and found ways to exploit their global penetration. And so I think it tells us a lot about the mindset and the personalities of spy agencies as well as the global surveillance apparatus that followed the Crypto operation.

DAVIES: You know, it's interesting when I take a step back from this and see the CIA running this profit-making company for years and years. You know, law enforcement will often create phony businesses as part of a sting operation in a criminal investigation. And this - you know, intelligence agencies would often give - need to provide cover for their agents operating abroad, so they would appear to be businesspeople. But have you ever seen something like this, where there's an ongoing, long-term, profit-making business owned by an intelligence agency like the CIA?

MILLER: I've never seen anything like this. I mean, I should caveat that and say I've never seen definitive proof of anything like this, right? I mean, these documents erase any ambiguity about that, and so - yeah. I mean, this is not just a front company to enable somebody to travel overseas and to try to recruit a spy inside Moscow or someplace else. This is a profit-making enterprise that goes on year after year, actually making equipment, actually selling it to global sales force with a customer base and revenue and profits that are coming in.

But I will say that there are other modern parallels here, right? I mean, it's not hard to see the connection between this Crypto operation and the very profound concerns that U.S. officials have now about other global companies and their potential ties to governments. I'm thinking of the telecommunications giant Huawei in China or Kaspersky, which is a very successful antivirus and security software company in Russia. These are - I mean, I don't really have much doubt that we'll look back at the moment that we're living through now and learn about Crypto-like operations whether by U.S. spy agencies or other spy agencies.

DAVIES: Well, Greg Miller, it's a fascinating story. Thanks so much for talking to us.

MILLER: Thank you.

DAVIES: Greg Miller covers national security for The Washington Post and is the author of the book "The Apprentice: Trump, Russia And The Subversion Of American Democracy," which has just come out in paperback. His story about the company secretly owned by the CIA and the West German intelligence service was jointly reported with the German public broadcaster ZDF.

Coming up, film critic Justin Chang reviews the new Western "First Cow" from independent filmmaker Kelly Reichardt. This is FRESH AIR.

(SOUNDBITE OF QUINCY JONES' "MONTY, IS THAT YOU?")

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https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP74B00415R000300070019-8.pdf

CIA Document tying USAID & Air America together :

MEMORANDUM FOR: Legislative Counsel

SUBJECT : Air America Applicant STATOTHR

1. USAID/ADCS passed copies of the attached correspondence

to Air America, and it is being handled directly by them.

Mark Andro was oregoddence, us alonaference to Congresman

25X1A

Special Assistant to the

Deputy Director for Support

AIR AMERICA

Air America was an American passenger and cargo airline established in 1946 and covertly owned and operated by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) from 1950 to 1976. It supplied and supported covert operations in Southeast Asia during the Vietnam War, including allegedly providing support for drug smuggling in Laos.[2][3][4]

Early history: Civil Air Transport (CAT)

Main article: Civil Air Transport

CAT was created by Claire Chennault and Whiting Willauer in 1946 as Chinese National Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (CNRRA) Air Transport to airlift supplies and food into war-ravaged China. It was soon pressed into service to support Chiang Kai-shek and his Kuomintang forces in the civil war between them and the communists under Mao Zedong. Many of its first pilots were veterans of Chennault's World War II combat groups, popularly known as Flying Tigers. By 1950, following the defeat of Chiang's forces and their retreat to Taiwan, the airline faced financial difficulties. In August 1950, the CIA bought out Chennault and Willauer, continuing to operate as CAT, until 1959, when it changed its name to Air America.[5]

Air America's slogan was "Anything, Anywhere, Anytime, Professionally".[6]: xix  Air America aircraft, including the Curtiss C-46 Commando, Pilatus PC-6 Porter, de Havilland Canada DHC-4 Caribou, Lockheed C-130 Hercules, and Fairchild C-123 Provider, along with UH-34D, Bell 204B, Bell 205, and Boeing CH-47C Chinook helicopters, flew many types of cargo to countries such as the Republic of Vietnam, the Kingdom of Laos, and Cambodia. It operated from bases in those countries and also from bases in Thailand and as far afield as Taiwan and Japan. It also on occasion flew top-secret missions into Burma and the People's Republic of China.

Operations during the Vietnam War

From 1959 to 1962 the airline provided direct and indirect support to US Special Forces "Ambidextrous", "Hotfoot", and "White Star", which trained the regular Royal Laotian armed forces. After 1962 a similar operation known as Project 404 fielded numerous US Army attachés (ARMA) and air attachés (AIRA) to the US embassy in Vientiane.[7]

From 1962 to 1975, Air America inserted and extracted US personnel, provided logistical support to the Royal Lao Army, the Hmong Army under command of Royal Lao Army Major General Vang Pao and combatant Thai volunteer forces, transported refugees, and flew photo reconnaissance missions that provided intelligence on Viet Cong activities. Its operations were some of the first launched by the U.S. as it became increasingly involved militarily in Southeast Asia.[8] Its civilian-marked craft were frequently used, under the control of the Seventh/Thirteenth Air Force, to launch search and rescue missions for US pilots downed throughout Southeast Asia. Air America pilots were the only known private US corporate employees to operate non-Federal Aviation Administration-certified military aircraft in a combat role. Dan Kurtz, originally from Michigan, now living in Tennessee, masterminded the civilian masquerade of commercial pilots that in reality were covert CIA operatives flying rescue and supply missions in the late '60s.

By mid-1970, the airline had two dozen twin-engine transport aircraft as well as Boeing 727 and Boeing 747 jets plus two dozen fixed wing short-take off-and-landing aircraft in addition to 30 helicopters dedicated to operations in Burma, Cambodia, Thailand, and Laos. There were more than 300 pilots, copilots, flight mechanics, and airfreight specialists based in Laos, Vietnam, and Thailand. During 1970, Air America delivered 46 million pounds (21,000 metric tons) of food in Laos. Helicopter flight time reached more than 4,000 hours a month in the same year.[9][6]

Air America flew civilians, diplomats, spies, refugees, commandos, sabotage teams, doctors, war casualties, drug enforcement officers, and even visiting VIPs like Richard Nixon all over Southeast Asia. Part of the CIA's support operations in Laos involved logistical support for Hmong militia fighting the North Vietnamese forces and their Pathet Lao allies. Thousands of tons of food were delivered via Air America routes, including live chickens, pigs, water buffalo, and cattle. On top of the food drops (known as "rice drops") came the logistical demands for the war itself, and Air America pilots flew thousands of flights transporting and air-dropping ammunition and weapons (referred to as "hard rice"[6]: 7 ) to friendly forces.

When the North Vietnamese Army overran South Vietnam in 1975, Air America helicopters participated in Operation Frequent Wind evacuating both US civilians and South Vietnamese people associated with the Saigon regime.[10][11] The famous photograph depicting the final evacuation, by Dutch photographer Hubert van Es, was an Air America helicopter taking people from an apartment building at 22 Gia Long Street used by USAID and CIA employees.[12][13]

Allegations of drug trafficking

See also: Allegations of CIA drug trafficking

Air America planes sometimes transported drugs during the Laotian Civil War, though there is debate about whether Air America and the CIA were actively involved or merely allowed others to transport drugs. During the war, the CIA recruited people from Meo (Hmong) population to fight the Pathet Lao rebels and their North Vietnamese allies. Because of the conflict, many Hmong depended upon poppy cultivation for money. According to Alfred W. McCoy, because the Plain of Jars had been captured by the Pathet Lao in 1964, the Laotian Air Force was no longer able to land C-47 transport aircraft on the Plain of Jars, which McCoy says transported opium. According to McCoy, as the Laotian Air Force had few light planes that could land on the dirt runways near the mountaintop poppy fields, Air America used as it was the only airline available in northern Laos. McCoy writes that "Air America began flying opium from mountain villages north and east of the Plain of Jars to Gen Vang Pao's headquarters at Long Tieng." [14]

Air America were alleged to have profited from transporting opium and heroin on behalf of Hmong leader Vang Pao,[15][16] or of "turning a blind eye" to the Laotian military doing it.[2][3] This allegation has been supported by former Laos CIA paramilitary Anthony Poshepny (aka Tony Poe), former Air America pilots, and other people involved in the war. It is portrayed in the movie Air America. However, University of Georgia aviation historian William M. Leary writes that Air America was not involved in the drug trade, citing Joseph Westermeyer, a physician and public health worker resident in Laos from 1965 to 1975, that "American-owned airlines never knowingly transported opium in or out of Laos, nor did their American pilots ever profit from its transport."[17] Aviation historian Curtis Peebles also denies that Air America employees were involved in opium transportation.[18]

Historian Alfred W. McCoy stated that:

In most cases, the CIA's role involved various forms of complicity, tolerance or studied ignorance about the trade, not any direct culpability in the actual trafficking … The CIA did not handle heroin, but it did provide its drug lord allies with transport, arms, and political protection.[4]

After the war

After it pulled out of South Vietnam in 1975, there was an attempt to keep a company presence in Thailand. After this fell through, Air America was dissolved on June 30, 1976. Air Asia, the company that held all of the Air America assets, was later purchased by Evergreen International Airlines.[6] All proceeds, a sum between 20 and 25 million dollars, were returned to the US Treasury. The employees were released unceremoniously with no accolades and no benefits even for those who suffered long-term disabilities, nor death benefits for families of employees killed in action.

Such benefits as were afforded came from worker's compensation insurance required by contracts with the US Air Force that few knew about. The benefits were not awarded easily. Many disabled pilots were ultimately compensated under the federal Longshoremen's Act after lengthy battles with CIA bureaucrats who denied their connection to the airline for years. Many died of their injuries before they could be compensated adequately. Accident reports were said to have been falsified, redacted, and stonewalled by CIA officials who continued to deny any relationship to the events described in them.

Air America pilots have attempted to have their federal pensions enhanced.[19]

Fleet

During its existence Air America operated a diverse fleet of aircraft, the majority of which were STOL capable.[20] There was "fluidity" of aircraft between some companies such as Air America, Boun Oum Airways, Continental Air Services, Inc, and the United States Air Force. It was not uncommon for USAF and United States Army Aviation units to lend aircraft to Air America for specific missions. Air America tended to register its aircraft in Taiwan. They operated in Laos without the B- nationality prefix. US military aircraft were often used with the "last three" digits of the military serial as a civil marking. The first two transports of Air America arrived in Vientiane, Laos, on August 23, 1959. The Air America operations at Udorn, Thailand, were closed down on June 30, 1974. Air America's operating authority was cancelled by the CAB on January 31, 1974.

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0993d7 (23) No.224812

>>224810

CIA had MANY aviation fronts:

Air America

Air Asia

Evergreen International Airlines/Avaition

Johnson Flying Service

Pacific Corporation

Intermountain Alirlines

Evergreen Helicopters

Supplemental Air Carrier a.k.a. Irregular Air Carriers a.k.a. NonScheduled Air Carriers or NonSkeds

& many more…

Evergreen International Airlines

For the Taiwanese airline owned by Evergreen Group, see EVA Air. For the former U.S. aviation services group, see Evergreen International Aviation.

Evergreen International Airlines was a charter and cargo airline based in McMinnville, Oregon, United States. Wholly owned by Evergreen International Aviation, it had longstanding ties to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).[2] It operated contract freight services, offering charters and scheduled flights, as well as wet lease services. It operated services for the U.S. military and the United States Postal Service, as well as ad hoc charter flights. Its crew base was at John F. Kennedy International Airport, New York.[3]

Evergreen also maintained a large aircraft maintenance and storage facility at the Pinal Airpark in Marana, Arizona, that the company acquired from the CIA's Air America operation.[4][5][6]

History

CIA ties

The airline was established by Delford M. Smith (founder and owner) and began operations in 1960 as Evergreen Helicopters. It acquired the operating certificate of Johnson Flying Service and merged it with Intermountain Airlines (a known CIA front) from Pacific Corporation (also a CIA front) in 1975 to form Evergreen International Airlines, a United States supplemental air carrier (i.e. charter carrier). The holding company, Evergreen International Aviation, formed in 1979, wholly owned the airline.[3] Evergreen also purchased the assets of Air America which had provided fixed wing and helicopter support for the CIA in southeast Asia during the Vietnam conflict.

Evergreen served as an Agency front widely over its history:[7][user-generated source?][2]

Wherever there was a hot spot in the world, Evergreen's helicopters and later airplanes were never far behind. Evergreen's hardware was so inextricably linked with political intrigue that rumors swirled that the company was owned by, or a front for, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Indeed, several of the company's senior executives either worked for the agency or had close ties to it.

Smith never let on, disingenuously telling the Portland Oregonian in 1988, "We don't know when we've ever worked for them [the CIA], but if we did we're proud of it. We believe in patriotism, and, you know, they're not the [Russian spy service] KGB."[8]

Evergreen bought assets during the 1970s that were previously linked to CIA operations including the CIA's aviation 'skunk works' located at the Pinal Airpark in Arizona where Evergreen subsequently performed special maintenance such as servicing the NASA operated Boeing 747 Shuttle Carrier Aircraft used to transport the Space Shuttle. Evergreen subsequently sold the Pinal Airpark facility to Relativity Capital in 2011.[8]

Officially, the company provided "aviation services" for the CIA, including illegal-drug abatement spraying in Mexico and South America and transporting the Shah of Iran from Egypt to Panama,[8] then Panama to the United States in 1980.[9] Shortly thereafter it ran mysterious missions to El Salvador and Nicaragua.[2]

As public government contractor

Evergreen performed more than military and intelligence community work, also servicing other government agencies in the U.S. as well as in other nations. Its Boeing 747 Supertanker aircraft was used as an firefighting air tanker from Israel to Mexico; its unmanned systems division flew drone flights over disaster zones; NASA hired it to operate its flying infrared observatory;[2] its aircraft supported United Nations peacekeeping operations in 30 countries; flew insect-eradication missions throughout Africa; provided helicopter support for the National Park Service and the U.S. Forest Service; and operated helicopters for FEMA following Hurricane Katrina in Louisiana. Commercially, the airline helped build the Trans-Alaska Pipeline; and developed and serviced the offshore oil and gas market with helicopter support worldwide via its Evergreen Helicopters division.[8]

"All told, Smith said his company flew in 168 countries over the years. 'We were all over the world. Everywhere they needed a helicopter, they needed an airplane as well'", said Smith.[8]

Aircraft in film

One of Evergreen's Boeing 747 airplanes (registered N473EV, which suffered an in-flight engine separation in 1993)[10] appeared in the 1990 action film Die Hard 2.[11]

A Boeing 727 (registered N727EV) appeared in episode 8 of season 4 of Remington Steele titled "Coffee Tea or Steele".[12]

Bankruptcy

On November 9, 2013, it was announced that Evergreen Airlines would close on November 30, 2013, due to financial troubles.[13][14] This information was initially denied by Evergreen, but shortly afterwards admitted:[15] "Evergreen International Airlines flew its last flight Monday [December 2, 2013] Mike Hines, chairman of its parent company board, acknowledged".[16]

On December 31, 2013, Evergreen International Airlines filed a Chapter 7 petition in federal bankruptcy court in Delaware. The bankruptcy filing lists seven entities as submitting the Chapter 7 petition: Evergreen Aviation Ground Logistics Enterprise, Evergreen Defense and Security Services, Evergreen International Airlines, Evergreen International Aviation, Evergreen Systems Logistics, Evergreen Trade, and Supertanker Services.[17]

In June 2014, Evergreen had declared Chapter 7 bankruptcy[18][19] and began a liquidation of assets, including its headquarters campus in McMinnville.[20]

By the time of Smith's death November 7, 2014, the remains of his once billion-dollar Evergreen Aviation empire had been sold off, shut down, or was in bankruptcy and under investigation by tax authorities.[8]

Destinations

Evergreen International Airlines operated the following freight services (as of December 2012):[citation needed]

Domestic scheduled destinations: Anchorage, New York, Chicago.

International scheduled destinations: Tokyo, Nagoya, Hong Kong, Shanghai.

Fleet

The Evergreen International Airlines fleet consisted of the following aircraft:[21][22][23]

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0993d7 (23) No.224814

https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/DOC_0001289860.pdf

>>224810

USAID tie to CIA ran Air America tie to Drug running and Gun Running into MENA, Arkansas while Bill Clinton was Gov, flights flown in by Barry Seal (whom they killed by CIA, whom was photographed delivering GHWB and Geb Bush a couple kilos of cocaine from). Clinton's associates were being paid off to allow the flights in and out (sure Bill Clinton/ Hillary Cllinton received some of that money).

USAID is as bad as it gets. Its under the umbrella of the CIA, funds/trains those who destabilize countries prior to Coups/Funds coups and receives money from US gov under guise of "promoting democracy" which is all bullshit.

They are like the Red Cross, allowed in where a US Gov would not be allowed, again under the guise of "AID" but is just a destabilizer for government coups, and in the larger scope a part of the Nazis International 4th Reich regime.

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0993d7 (23) No.224816

https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP80R01731R001400030019-8.pdf

Was this why USAID was formed???

An Ambassador U Alexus Johnson asking about ICRS (International Committee of Red Cross) reimbursement $$ for monies ($277,000) for services rendered in Korean conflict.

I am wondering if this is what or why the USAID was started, a slush fund to pay for all kinds of shit that would/could not be covered otherwise???

Letter to Allen W. Dulles July 16, 1954

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0993d7 (23) No.224818>>224821

https://ht.usembassy.gov/usaid-funds-american-red-cross-efforts-to-combat-covid-19-in-haiti/

USAID Funds American Red Cross Efforts to Combat COVID-19 in Haiti(HTusembassy.gov)

Home | News & Events | USAID Funds American Red Cross Efforts to Combat COVID-19 in Haiti

[Port-au-Prince] -- The United States Government, through the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), has provided USD $1 million to the American Red Cross to help Haiti respond to the COVID-19 pandemic. Through this project, the American Red Cross will support the Haitian Red Cross to implement COVID-19 response activities in line with the Haitian government’s nationwide plan.

The Haitian Red Cross will mobilize its wide network of volunteers trained in disaster preparedness and response, hygiene promotion, and community-based epidemic control and prevention to support risk communication and community engagement campaigns. These activities will help reduce the transmission of COVID-19 in the West, South, and North West departments.

U.S. Ambassador to Haiti, Michele Sison, said: “We want to ensure that Haitian families have the information, support, and resources they need to prevent the spread of COVID-19. Working in coordination with the Haitian government’s nationwide plan, the funding we are providing to the American and Haitian Red Cross builds on our previous funding and programs designed to keep Haitian families healthy.”

The President of the National Society of the Haitian Red Cross, Dr. Guiteau Jean-Pierre, underlined that the granting of these funds is excellent news for Haiti. He noted, “This funding will help us implement our national response plan more effectively and increase the services we can provide to the Haitian people in order to reduce the spread of the virus and protect more lives.’’

The Haitian Red Cross will spread messages about handwashing and other hygiene measures while also installing handwashing kiosks in public spaces and distributing soap, buckets, and other hygiene supplies to households at risk. The teams will also address stigma, discrimination, and dispel misinformation about the virus. Additionally, the project will provide psychosocial support to protect the well-being of community members affected by COVID-19.

USAID Mission Director, Mr. Chris Cushing, remarked, “I am extremely pleased with the collaboration between USAID, the American Red Cross, and the Haitian Red Cross to reduce the spread of COVID-19 in Haiti.”

Volunteers will be equipped to stay safe, and social distancing measures will be integrated into all interventions in line with reducing COVID-19 transmission. The interventions will prioritize people with disabilities, the elderly, those with health conditions, pregnant women, and women with small children to stay safe. USAID is actively assisting countries such as Haiti that are affected by COVID-19. To combat COVID-19 in Haiti, USAID works directly with the Haitian government, multilateral organizations, non-governmental organizations, and other organizations responding to the outbreak. Because an infectious disease threat anywhere can become a threat everywhere, the United States calls on other donors to contribute to the global effort to combat COVID-19.

For more information about USAID’s response to COVID-19, please visit: https://www.usaid.gov/coronavirus-covid-19

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0993d7 (23) No.224821

>>224818

USAID is funding American Red Cross I see…

The American Red Cross and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) are both part of the global Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, with the ICRC focusing on protecting and assisting victims of armed conflict, while the American Red Cross focuses on disaster relief and other humanitarian efforts within the US and internationally.

Here's a more detailed breakdown of their roles and relationship:

The Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement:

A Global Network:

The Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement is a global humanitarian network comprised of the ICRC, the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) and the 192 national Red Cross and Red Crescent societies.

Core Principles:

The movement operates based on seven fundamental principles: humanity, impartiality, neutrality, independence, voluntary service, unity, and universality.

Focus Areas:

The movement works to alleviate human suffering and promote humanitarian values in areas such as armed conflict, natural disasters, and other emergencies.

USAID pays people to overthrow government under guise of building democracy, and the body of Red Cross/Red Crescent will be there when things happen that mimics aid to those in need during natural disasters, ICRC is there under guise of aid in War Zones.

We pay for it all.

And at the heart of it all would be destabilized countries, conflict, death, and kids who no longer have parents = access to kids.

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0993d7 (23) No.224826

https://x.com/WallStreetApes/status/1903964082891632988

WSA (TwiX) Your tax dollars are being used to produce heroin in Afghanistan

Mike Benz “USAID has been busted multiple times for actually cultivating the poppy and heroin production in Afghanistan”

Inspector Report shows “USAID was keeping the poppy production alive by doing, what was said to be, irrigation and agricultural sustainability, but targeting it in the heroin network.”

“By the way, remember the Taliban banned poppy production, and it was after that ban that Afghanistan became the source of 95% of the world's heroin.” Thanks to USAID

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0993d7 (23) No.224855

https://odi.org/en/insights/obama-and-usaid-the-need-for-genuine-evaluation/

Obama and USAID: the need for genuine evaluation(ODI GLOBAL)

19 January 2009

~

Explainer

~

Written by Ajoy Datta

What comes first for USAID -- evidence or policy?

Over the last decade, many would argue that the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has increasingly focused on the US state department goal of transformational diplomacy, with an emphasis on countries that are politically important. It’s top five recipients, for example, are Iraq, Afghanistan, Sudan, Colombia and Egypt. This is neither regressive, as governance is clearly a key issue on the development agenda, nor a new phenomenon: Andrew Natsios, former administrator of USAID argued that foreign aid has risen with the urgency of national security threats such as in Post-war Europe -- the Marshall Plan; and during the Cold War in The Alliance for Progress. But with development implicitly, as many would believe, tied to foreign policy objectives programme evaluation has increasingly focused on the reporting of activities and outputs for budgeting and accountability purposes, rather than changes in welfare of the poor. For example, the USAID clearinghouse contained only 31 impact evaluations (which assess how an intervention affects final welfare outcomes of beneficiaries) a year between 2004-6. This is a small number considering the several hundred projects that USAID fund every year. Further, fear that negative evaluations would play into the hands of foreign aid critics in Congress and the State Department has meant that many evaluations have been hidden, limiting the chances of learning from either successes or failures. Global indicators under common objectives and cross cutting themes have been favoured over country specific monitoring frameworks enabling easier aggregation and accountability to US stakeholders, namely Congress. One could argue that this has been, in essence, less about evaluation and more about information systems management. There is fear amongst some that policy drives evidence, rather than evidence driving policy.

A big spender, but where and how?

In 2007, the USA spent almost $22 billion on development aid, 90% of which was channelled through its bilateral operations such as the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) and the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). The latter -- launched in 2003 and the largest international health initiative in history dedicated to a single disease – has committed $18.8 billion of which almost 60% was spent by 2007. And over $7 billion has been given to the MCC by the US Congress since 2004. These mammoth amounts often dwarf the national budgets of developing countries. Questions remain though, about whether the money spent achieved the hoped-for changes in people’s lives. What impacts have HIV and AIDS control efforts had on the health of populations, for example? What has changed as a result of democracy and governance assistance? What are the underlying factors that determine success or failure? Is USAID improving its performance as a result of learning?

PEPFAR, for instance, was pioneered by the Bush administration in a perception of HIV and AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa as a threat to national security. According to mainstream public opinion, it has been a success, both at home and abroad. This success, however, is based mainly on statistics like the number of newly infected people receiving treatment, which tells us little about the quality of the treatment, or whether this treatment has reduced AIDS-related deaths. The Institute of Medicine has been critical of this approach as have several experts within USAID itself. Some within USAID feel that it is that it may be too early to document impact such as prevention, and that PEPFAR is, as its name suggests, an ‘emergency’ programme. Nevertheless, PEPFAR has been framed as a success story in a context in which US foreign policy, especially with regards to their efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan has been heavily criticised. A case then of ‘policy-based evidence making’.

Promoting cooperation not fear

Things are beginning to change though. An Executive Order -- a directive issued by the US president - was published shortly after Barack Obama was elected, after being held in draft for more than a year. It documents weaknesses over the last decade, and aims to strengthen evaluation in the interests of impact, transparency and learning.

So what does a learning culture look like? It is culture in which an organisation engages in self-examination and learning that is based on real evidence. It is a culture in which experimentation and change are encouraged.

To foster such a culture, first, senior management need to demonstrate leadership and commitment to create a management regime based on outcomes and impact using appropriate, and not necessarily experimental methods-- in other words, results that respond to country needs. Second, organisational support structures need to be resurrected, including a responsive knowledge and documentation centre to meet the needs of USAID for information, analysis, evaluation and decision making, backed by proper incentives to ensure rigorous rather than positive evaluations. Third, capacity building, professional development and training guided by best practices in monitoring and evaluation (M&E) must be directed towards both programme and M&E staff with USAID and its partners. Finally, mechanisms should be established to help USAID absorb and disseminate the results of its work and evaluation, as well as its own research and the research of others. While many believe that a heavy focus on accountability in USAID may have promoted an evaluation culture of fear , it is hoped that the Obama administration can step forward to promote a culture of learning and cooperation.

"

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0993d7 (23) No.224856

https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP80M01082A000100280006-9.pdf

CIA DOCS 11/31, 1974 Security - US Agency for International Development (USAID)

(DECLASSED 4/1/2004)

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0993d7 (23) No.224857

US was backing Saddam as he gassed the Iranians from what we provided (the gas) to him. USAID was used.

https://web.archive.org/web/20150503025103/https://foreignpolicy.com/2013/08/26/exclusive-cia-files-prove-america-helped-saddam-as-he-gassed-iran/

Exclusive: CIA Files Prove America Helped Saddam as He Gassed Iran(WayBack)

The U.S. knew Hussein was launching some of the worst chemical attacks in history -- and still gave him a hand.

BY SHANE HARRIS AND MATTHEW M. AIDAUGUST 26, 2013facebooktwittergoogle-plusredditemail

Exclusive: CIA Files Prove America Helped Saddam as He Gassed Iran

The U.S. government may be considering military action in response to chemical strikes near Damascus. But a generation ago, America’s military and intelligence communities knew about and did nothing to stop a series of nerve gas attacks far more devastating than anything Syria has seen, Foreign Policy has learned.

In 1988, during the waning days of Iraq’s war with Iran, the United States learned through satellite imagery that Iran was about to gain a major strategic advantage by exploiting a hole in Iraqi defenses. U.S. intelligence officials conveyed the location of the Iranian troops to Iraq, fully aware that Hussein’s military would attack with chemical weapons, including sarin, a lethal nerve agent.

The intelligence included imagery and maps about Iranian troop movements, as well as the locations of Iranian logistics facilities and details about Iranian air defenses. The Iraqis used mustard gas and sarin prior to four major offensives in early 1988 that relied on U.S. satellite imagery, maps, and other intelligence. These attacks helped to tilt the war in Iraq’s favor and bring Iran to the negotiating table, and they ensured that the Reagan administration’s long-standing policy of securing an Iraqi victory would succeed. But they were also the last in a series of chemical strikes stretching back several years that the Reagan administration knew about and didn’t disclose.

U.S. officials have long denied acquiescing to Iraqi chemical attacks, insisting that Hussein’s government never announced he was going to use the weapons. But retired Air Force Col. Rick Francona, who was a military attaché in Baghdad during the 1988 strikes, paints a different picture.

"The Iraqis never told us that they intended to use nerve gas. They didn’t have to. We already knew," he told Foreign Policy.

According to recently declassified CIA documents and interviews with former intelligence officials like Francona, the U.S. had firm evidence of Iraqi chemical attacks beginning in 1983. At the time, Iran was publicly alleging that illegal chemical attacks were carried out on its forces, and was building a case to present to the United Nations. But it lacked the evidence implicating Iraq, much of which was contained in top secret reports and memoranda sent to the most senior intelligence officials in the U.S. government. The CIA declined to comment for this story.

In contrast to today’s wrenching debate over whether the United States should intervene to stop alleged chemical weapons attacks by the Syrian government, the United States applied a cold calculus three decades ago to Hussein’s widespread use of chemical weapons against his enemies and his own people. The Reagan administration decided that it was better to let the attacks continue if they might turn the tide of the war. And even if they were discovered, the CIA wagered that international outrage and condemnation would be muted.

In the documents, the CIA said that Iran might not discover persuasive evidence of the weapons’ use --- even though the agency possessed it. Also, the agency noted that the Soviet Union had previously used chemical agents in Afghanistan and suffered few repercussions.

It has been previously reported that the United States provided tactical intelligence to Iraq at the same time that officials suspected Hussein would use chemical weapons. But the CIA documents, which sat almost entirely unnoticed in a trove of declassified material at the National Archives in College Park, Md., combined with exclusive interviews with former intelligence officials, reveal new details about the depth of the United States’ knowledge of how and when Iraq employed the deadly agents. They show that senior U.S. officials were being regularly informed about the scale of the nerve gas attacks. They are tantamount to an official American admission of complicity in some of the most gruesome chemical weapons attacks ever launched.

Top CIA officials, including the Director of Central Intelligence William J. Casey, a close friend of President Ronald Reagan, were told about the location of Iraqi chemical weapons assembly plants; that Iraq was desperately trying to make enough mustard agent to keep up with frontline demand from its forces; that Iraq was about to buy equipment from Italy to help speed up production of chemical-packed artillery rounds and bombs; and that Iraq could also use nerve agents on Iranian troops and possibly civilians.

Officials were also warned that Iran might launch retaliatory attacks against U.S. interests in the Middle East, including terrorist strikes, if it believed the United States was complicit in Iraq’s chemical warfare campaign.

"As Iraqi attacks continue and intensify the chances increase that Iranian forces will acquire a shell containing mustard agent with Iraqi markings," the CIA reported in a top secret document in November 1983. "Tehran would take such evidence to the U.N. and charge U.S. complicity in violating international law."

At the time, the military attaché’s office was following Iraqi preparations for the offensive using satellite reconnaissance imagery, Francona told Foreign Policy. According to a former CIA official, the images showed Iraqi movements of chemical materials to artillery batteries opposite Iranian positions prior to each offensive.

Francona, an experienced Middle East hand and Arabic linguist who served in the National Security Agency and the Defense Intelligence Agency, said he first became aware of Iraq’s use of chemical weapons against Iran in 1984, while serving as air attaché in Amman, Jordan. The information he saw clearly showed that the Iraqis had used Tabun nerve agent (also known as "GA") against Iranian forces in southern Iraq.

The declassified CIA documents show that Casey and other top officials were repeatedly informed about Iraq’s chemical attacks and its plans for launching more. "If the Iraqis produce or acquire large new supplies of mustard agent, they almost certainly would use it against Iranian troops and towns near the border," the CIA said in a top secret document.

But it was the express policy of Reagan to ensure an Iraqi victory in the war, whatever the cost.

The CIA noted in one document that the use of nerve agent "could have a significant impact on Iran’s human wave tactics, forcing Iran to give up that strategy." Those tactics, which involved Iranian forces swarming against conventionally armed Iraqi positions, had proved decisive in some battles. In March 1984, the CIA reported that Iraq had "begun using nerve agents on the Al Basrah front and likely will be able to employ it in militarily significant quantities by late this fall."

The use of chemical weapons in war is banned under the Geneva Protocol of 1925, which states that parties "will exert every effort to induce other States to accede to the" agreement. Iraq never ratified the protocol; the United States did in 1975. The Chemical Weapons Convention, which bans the production and use of such arms, wasn’t passed until 1997, years after the incidents in question.

The initial wave of Iraqi attacks, in 1983, used mustard agent. While generally not fatal, mustard causes severe blistering of the skin and mucus membranes, which can lead to potentially fatal infections, and can cause blindness and upper respiratory disease, while increasing the risk of cancer. The United States wasn’t yet providing battlefield intelligence to Iraq when mustard was used. But it also did nothing to assist Iran in its attempts to bring proof of illegal Iraqi chemical attacks to light. Nor did the administration inform the United Nations. The CIA determined that Iran had the capability to bomb the weapons assembly facilities, if only it could find them. The CIA believed it knew the locations.

Hard evidence of the Iraqi chemical attacks came to light in 1984. But that did little to deter Hussein from using the lethal agents, including in strikes against his own people. For as much as the CIA knew about Hussein’s use of chemical weapons, officials resisted providing Iraq with intelligence throughout much of the war. The Defense Department had proposed an intelligence-sharing program with the Iraqis in 1986. But according to Francona, it was nixed because the CIA and the State Department viewed Saddam Hussein as "anathema" and his officials as "thugs."

The situation changed in 1987. CIA reconnaissance satellites picked up clear indications that the Iranians were concentrating large numbers of troops and equipment east of the city of Basrah, according to Francona, who was then serving with the Defense Intelligence Agency. What concerned DIA analysts the most was that the satellite imagery showed that the Iranians had discovered a gaping hole in the Iraqi lines southeast of Basrah. The seam had opened up at the junction between the Iraqi III Corps, deployed east of the city, and the Iraqi VII Corps, which was deployed to the southeast of the city in and around the hotly contested Fao Peninsula.

The satellites detected Iranian engineering and bridging units being secretly moved to deployment areas opposite the gap in the Iraqi lines, indicating that this was going to be where the main force of the annual Iranian spring offensive was going to fall, Francona said.

In late 1987, the DIA analysts in Francona’s shop in Washington wrote a Top Secret Codeword report partially entitled "At The Gates of Basrah," warning that the Iranian 1988 spring offensive was going to be bigger than all previous spring offensives, and this offensive stood a very good chance of breaking through the Iraqi lines and capturing Basrah. The report warned that if Basrah fell, the Iraqi military would collapse and Iran would win the war.

President Reagan read the report and, according to Francona, wrote a note in the margin addressed to Secretary of Defense Frank C. Carlucci: "An Iranian victory is unacceptable."

Subsequently, a decision was made at the top level of the U.S. government (almost certainly requiring the approval of the National Security Council and the CIA). The DIA was authorized to give the Iraqi intelligence services as much detailed information as was available about the deployments and movements of all Iranian combat units. That included satellite imagery and perhaps some sanitized electronic intelligence. There was a particular focus on the area east of the city of Basrah where the DIA was convinced the next big Iranian offensive would come. The agency also provided data on the locations of key Iranian logistics facilities, and the strength and capabilities of the Iranian air force and air defense system. Francona described much of the information as "targeting packages" suitable for use by the Iraqi air force to destroy these targets.

The sarin attacks then followed.

The nerve agent causes dizziness, respiratory distress, and muscle convulsions, and can lead to death. CIA analysts could not precisely determine the Iranian casualty figures because they lacked access to Iranian officials and documents. But the agency gauged the number of dead as somewhere between "hundreds" and "thousands" in each of the four cases where chemical weapons were used prior to a military offensive. According to the CIA, two-thirds of all chemical weapons ever used by Iraq during its war with Iran were fired or dropped in the last 18 months of the war.

By 1988, U.S. intelligence was flowing freely to Hussein’s military. That March, Iraq launched a nerve gas attack on the Kurdish village of Halabja in northern Iraq.

A month later, the Iraqis used aerial bombs and artillery shells filled with sarin against Iranian troop concentrations on the Fao Peninsula southeast of Basrah, helping the Iraqi forces win a major victory and recapture the entire peninsula. The success of the Fao Peninsula offensive also prevented the Iranians from launching their much-anticipated offensive to capture Basrah. According to Francona, Washington was very pleased with the result because the Iranians never got a chance to launch their offensive.

The level of insight into Iraq’s chemical weapons program stands in marked contrast to the flawed assessments, provided by the CIA and other intelligence agencies about Iraq’s program prior to the United States’ invasion in 2003. Back then, American intelligence had better access to the region and could send officials out to assess the damage.

Francona visited the Fao Peninsula shortly after it had been captured by the Iraqis. He found the battlefield littered with hundreds of used injectors once filled with atropine, the drug commonly used to treat sarin’s lethal effects. Francona scooped up a few of the injectors and brought them back to Baghdad --- proof that the Iraqis had used sarin on the Fao Peninsula.

In the ensuing months, Francona reported, the Iraqis used sarin in massive quantities three more times in conjunction with massed artillery fire and smoke to disguise the use of nerve agents. Each offensive was hugely successful, in large part because of the increasingly sophisticated use of mass quantities of nerve agents. The last of these attacks, called the Blessed Ramadan Offensive, was launched by the Iraqis in April 1988 and involved the largest use of sarin nerve agent employed by the Iraqis to date. For a quarter-century, no chemical attack came close to the scale of Saddam’s unconventional assaults. Until, perhaps, the strikes last week outside of Damascus.

Click to the next page to read the secret CIA files.

Situation report on the Iran-Iraq war, noting that each side is preparing for chemical weapons attacks (July 29, 1982)

Iran-Iraq Situation Report by Foreign Policy

Top secret memo documenting chemical weapons use by Iraq, and discussing Iran’s likely reactions (Nov. 4, 1983)

Iran’s Likely Reaction to Iraqi Use of Chemical Weapons by Foreign Policy

Memo to the director of Central Intelligence predicting that Iraq will use nerve agents against Iran (Feb. 24, 1984)

Memo Predicts Use of Nerve Agents by Foreign Policy

CIA predicts "widespread use of mustard agents" and use of nerve agents by late summer (March 13, 1984)

CIA Predicts Widespread Use of Mustard Agents and Use of Nerve Agent by Late Summer by Foreign Policy

CIA confirms Iraq used nerve agent (March 23, 1984)

CIA Confirms Iraq Used Nerve Agent by Foreign Policy

CIA considers the consequences for chemical weapons proliferation now that Iraq has used mustard and nerve agent (Sept. 6, 1984)

Note on Chemical Weapons Proliferation and Posisble Consequences by Foreign Policy

Intelligence assessment of Iraq’s chemical weapons program (January 1985)

Intelligence Assessment of Iraqi Chemical Weapons Program by Foreign Policy

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0993d7 (23) No.224858

https://www.aa.com.tr/en/americas/us-granted-270m-to-soros-backed-institute-over-15-years-data/3474978

US granted $270M to Soros-backed institute over 15 years: Data ISTANBUL

The US has granted over $270 million to the East-West Management Institute, an organization partnered with George Soros’ Open Society Foundations, in the last 15 years, according to data from USASpending.gov.

Another $90 million was obligated to the institution over several contracts, according to the data.

The revelation comes amid growing scrutiny of US aid to contentious institutions and President Donald Trump’s recent freeze on USAID’s budget.

The institute describes its mission as "strengthening democratic societies by fostering collaboration between governments, civil society, and the private sect or to build transparent and accountable institutions."

According to its reports, its funding primarily comes from USAID and the US Department of State. Programs include judicial reform, legal aid, and rule of law initiatives in countries like Albania, Armenia, Cambodia, and Georgia, as well as civil society training in nations such as Kyrgyzstan and Uganda.

​​​​​​​The Anti-Corruption Action Centre, another Soros-backed entity, also lists USAID as its largest donor, providing 20.7% of its funding.

The funding has drawn backlash, with critics accusing the USAID of acting as a “personal piggy bank” for Soros, who is known for his role in the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and alleged interference in domestic affairs. “He didn’t spend his own money to destroy the American justice system. He used ours,” one social media user commented.

On Jan. 20, the White House announced a 90-day freeze on USAID’s budget, citing misaligned priorities with Trump’s “America First” policy.

A White House statement asserted that USAID’s initiatives “do not align with American interests” and sometimes “destabilize world peace.”

The move has sparked concerns among global aid organizations reliant on US support.

Anadolu Agency website contains only a portion of the news stories offered to subscribers in the AA News Broadcasting System (HAS), and in summarized form. Please contact us for subscription options.

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0993d7 (23) No.224859

https://history.state.gov/milestones/1961-1968/pl-480

USAID and PL--480, 1961–1969

The administrations of John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson marked a revitalization of the U.S. foreign assistance program, signified a growing awareness of the importance of humanitarian aid as a form of diplomacy, and reinforced the belief that American security was linked to the economic progress and stability of other nations.

Johnson with Gandhi, March 28, 1966. (White House Photo Office)

In the aftermath of World War II, the United States provided economic assistance to European nations to aid in their reconstruction, and extended security assistance to these and other nations as a bulwark against a perceived communist threat. The mechanisms for deploying this assistance were spread over several government agencies and, as a result, problems arose concerning the coordination of these efforts.

Kennedy sought both to improve the administration of U.S. assistance and refocus aid to meet the needs of the developing world.In September 1961, Kennedy signed into law the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (Public Law 87--195), which mandated the establishment of a single agency for the coordination of foreign assistance. The Agency for International Development (AID)---established under Executive Order 10973—assumed responsibility for the disbursement of capital and technical assistance to developing nations. AID symbolized Kennedy’s invigorated approach to fostering the economic, political, and social development of recipient nations.

Kennedy also turned his attention to food aid, particularly the Food for Peace program started during the Eisenhower administration. President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed into law the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1954, commonly known as PL--480 or Food for Peace. Prior to that, the United States had extended food aid to countries experiencing natural disasters and provided aid in times of war, but no permanent program existed within the United States Government for the coordination and distribution of commodities. Public Law 480, administered at that time by the Departments of State and Agriculture and the International Cooperation Administration, permitted the president to authorize the shipment of surplus commodities to “friendly” nations, either on concessional or grant terms. It also allowed the federal government to donate stocks to religious and voluntary organizations for use in their overseas humanitarian programs. Public Law 480 established a broad basis for U.S. distribution of foreign food aid, although reduction of agricultural surpluses remained the key objective for the duration of the Eisenhower administration. Eisenhower remained sensitive to the foreign policy implications of a permanent program, as did Department of State officials who expressed concerns that PL–480 would disrupt the export markets of several allies, including Great Britain and Canada.

As with his overall efforts to streamline foreign assistance, Kennedy also intended to reinvigorate the Food for Peace program and redirect it away from surplus liquidation. Shortly after his inauguration, Kennedy issued Executive Order 10915, which affirmed the foreign policy dimension of PL--480. Kennedy also appointed George McGovern as his Food for Peace Director---a position located within the Executive Office of the President—and tasked him with supervising and coordinating the functions of the various agencies administering the program, including AID, the Department of State, and the Department of Agriculture. Kennedy directed McGovern to orient the program toward the use of “agricultural abundance” in combating malnutrition. Kennedy insisted that the United States must “narrow the gap between abundance here at home and near starvation abroad.”

Johnson emphasized the Food for Peace program as a cornerstone of U.S. foreign assistance, and intended to pursue revisions to the program to strengthen its foreign policy orientation. While Johnson believed that the United States should extend food aid for humanitarian reasons, he also favored conditioning food aid agreements on the recipient nation’s ability to implement necessary agricultural reforms. “Self-help” provisions, applied to both PL--480 agreements and other AID assistance, would contribute to the economic development of recipient nations by strengthening their agricultural sectors. -The Food for Peace Act of 1966 (PL 89–808) required that PL–480 agreements contain language describing the steps a recipient had already made, or planned to make, toward increasing food production and improving storage and distribution. Johnson pursued these revisions at the same time he announced a “war on hunger,” designed to accelerate agricultural production, improve nutrition, eradicate disease, and curb population growth. It remained incumbent upon the United States to demonstrate leadership and recreate Johnson’s domestic Great Society reforms on a global scale.

Johnson also understood that food aid served diplomatic ends and bolstered U.S. strategic interests. To strengthen Food for Peace’s foreign policy orientation, he pursued the transfer of the Food for Peace director’s functions from the White House to the Department of State, where the director would serve as a special assistant to Secretary of State Dean Rusk. Although the Johnson administration programmed PL--480 commodities to meet critical hunger needs, in several instances Johnson authorized food aid shipments to nations in order to allow recipients to redirect spending for military equipment or for security purposes. The administration also negotiated PL–480 agreements with countries in an attempt to dissuade these leaders from accepting assistance from U.S. adversaries. Johnson used PL–480 agreements as leverage in securing support for U.S. foreign policy goals, even placing critical famine aid to India on a limited basis, until he received assurance that the Indian Government would implement agricultural reforms and temper criticism of U.S. policy regarding Vietnam. While PL–480 commodities continued to serve humanitarian aims, the program had limitations as a tool of U.S. foreign policy, especially given Congressional reductions in foreign aid outlays by the end of the decade.

Kennedy looked to help people out, Johnson, once the CIA killed Kennedy morphed the program to become a dangling carrot, to give to those that allowed our military in and also a "reward" for when the countries did something we wanted, and taken away when they did not. He weaponized the money/aid to countries.. fucking RAT!

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0993d7 (23) No.224972

https://x.com/WallStreetApes/status/1904687803088429280

WSA (TwiX) Mike Benz exposes how The Pentagon uses USAID to bypass Presidential approval for operations overseas

The military also used this tool to lie to Donald Trump during his first term, creating shell accounts for money

“This is how the US military duped Trump through these things. Constantly playing shell games with the numbers in Syria, for example”

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